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Nation-building in the Post-Soviet Borderlands. The communist past in post Communist Russia. From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State. One State, Two Countries? Kitartok amellett, amit ben mondtam:. Reflections on Ukraine after The Dilemmas of Nationhood. Russia, Ukraine, and the Breakup of the Soviet Union. Stanford, Hoover Institution Press, , The Limits of Manipulation. Essays in Modern Ukrainian History.

Russia, Ukraine, and the Breakup of the Soviet Union, Nations, Identity, Power, Therefore, younger age groups still see National Socialism and not the fall of the Berlin Wall in as the central historical event. How are crimes committed by the SED-dictatorship to be dealt with? And whoever compared the two was attacked, although only the comparison could clear up proportions. For victims and those who had suffered at the hands of the SED, respectively the Ministerium fuer Staatssicherheit , or the Ministry of State Security, this debate was too academic in any case.

Again, victim and perpetrator stood face to face, this time, certainly, even more obvious within a nation, which was not joyfully united, as it turned out in the meantime. Guilt is attributed, played down, and exaggerated and also, reparation is demanded, paid, and denied. Politico-pedagogical consequences are postulated, drawn, and postponed, which, as it happened after , were supposed to prevent the recurrence of state-controlled and privately committed injustice. This expansion, prolific for analysis, of the perspective on the inheritance of fatal times does not change the specificity of the German double-burden, which cannot simply be dealt with by means of concepts which refer to a theory of totalitarianism.

There is hardly another place, where the twofold hereditary burden is so densely concentrated as in Buchenwald near Weimar, de facto as well as symbolic. As commonly known a Concentration Camp of the Third Reich used to be there. From July up to March about Between August and March And as if one had to outdo the tragic of this genius loci by a direct convergence of the Nazi and the Communist dictatorship, some people were even imprisoned in both camps successively.

Consequently this is a memory, which unites the divided nation, but also divides the united nation, and which, since , has developed into an issue of heated, and by no means settled conflicts of interpretation. Neither this past itself nor the historiographic re-interpretation of Concentration Camp and Special Camp, initiated in the meantime, will be issue of our reflections.

We are rather interested in a third significance, which has accrued to the name Buchenwald, which the GDR had turned into a cornerstone of its anti-fascist state doctrine: To come to a point with our inquiry: This nonconformity is no accident or a consequence of mere topicality. But the politico-administrative system is usually neglected or considered as of secondary importance.

By this, one notion, mentioned in the title, can already be better comprehended: In the perspective of theoretically demanding analysis such concepts can hardly be considered as being up-to-date, especially not surveys of political attitudes carried out under this label. The German political scientist Karl Rohe defines it this way: The textual and narrative dimension of this practice is normally grasped by exegetic-reconstructive procedures. The phenomenon of representing the past in shape of memorials can be read as text also.

Especially the studies of Young e. Our emphasis, however, is on the analysis of the corresponding negotiation process as described by Schwab-Trapp and Herz and recently by Wolfrum While they focus foremost on the discursive dimension of the conflict, we, on the other hand, direct our attention on the current procedures of politico-administrative decision and its often neglected relevance for the determination of meanings. Thus, politics of memory can be reconstructed as a policy of political culture.

The political culture of a community emerges not lastly by confrontation with history. For the successor states of the Third Reich, however, only the demarcation from National Socialism came into question: At first this developed as a political and lawful working out of state-committed crimes of violence in the Third Reich. Simultaneously, the psychologic-educational process of working out Nazi felonies took place within the family, in journalistic debates, and in the general public. Furthermore, politico-historical controversies took place within the dispute about the shaping of the official sphere of commemoration.

This dispute is of specific interest to us and can be conceptualized as a important part of commemorative culture s. But it is also about compensation of damages, statute of limitation for crimes, and cleansing of and granting amnesty to perpetrators and silent accomplices, and so forth. This perspective can be applied to the authentic historical sites also.

But the interpretation of the past also manifests in the iconographic, architectural, and textual organization of the memorial, which is determined by the conception of history that underlies official commemoration. As an element of cultural memory institutionalized commemoration links up to a functional coherence, which primarily aims at the collective identity of the living cf. The Communist past stepped up to and sometimes in front of the Nazi past, as especially victims of the SED-dictatorship and of Stalinism have emphasized.

The exemplary relevance of the analyzed Buchenwald memorial for German commemorative culture thus results out of the three significations of this historical site. Buchenwald prisoners came from over 30 different countries and were interned because of various reasons.

The Concentration Camp Buchenwald and its external camps were liberated by allied troops in Already a few weeks after the end of the Second World War, in the course of of denazification, an internment camp was erected in August on the Ettersberg site as well as further camps in other occupational zones. The unmarked graves of the people hurriedly buried in Buchenwald were covered by vegetation. The existence of these Special Camps was placed under a taboo or at least was no subject of discourse. Concerning the victims of the National Socialist camp the facts were completely different.

The precondition for realizing a memorial covering the entire site was established when the camp ground was handed over to GDR authorities in mid From those buildings, which had largely survived until , especially the entrance area with camp gate and guarding towers as well as crematory and warehouse were preserved. But the actual creation of the historical meaning was shifted to establishing a monumental Memorial. Those changes brought about an intended homogenization as well as a hero worshipping of the victims. The center of commemoration was always the communist opposition inside of the Concentration Camp and its significance as a legacy.

This creation of function already manifests itself in the so-called oath of Buchenwald as an obligation for shaping the future. By this concise account one can already see that by now the Buchenwald Memorial functions as a symbol of a threefold German contemporary history: The temporal and in a certain way material continuity of the camp site downright provokes a confrontation with the twofold past of National Socialism and Stalinism.

Subsequently this calls for a revision of the functionalization of commemoration during GDR-dictatorship. How did the conflict about the interpretation of the past, resulting out of this intricate constellation, realize precisely and how did the actors concerned articulate their interests regarding commemoration? However, analysis cannot be restricted to official distortions of the past in an instrumentalizing manner and blatant commissioning. One rather has to proceed from the assumption that politics of memory is inevitable.

This definition, however, suggests that politics mainly handles the past in a manipulative way. But with good reason he emphasizes that a pluralistic society like the one of the Federal Republic cannot postulate, generate, or presume a consistent picture of the past. This means we want to bring politics of memory back into the customary policy-cycle and by this de-dramatize it.

This political process approximately runs through the following stages:. During an investigation at the end of January a journalist of a local newspaper stumbled on mortal remains beneath the site of the Buchenwald memorial. These obviously belonged to common graves out of the time of the Soviet internment camp. At this point of time already the demand for a memorial for those killed in the Special Camp was raised.

In comparison to the monumental Memorial for the victims of the Concentration Camp, the wooden cross set up as a makeshift at the place where the common graves were presumed to be, was anticipated as a continuation of a forgery of history with aesthetic means. To this, the commemoration interests articulated by the organizations of former Concentration Camp prisoners were strictly opposed.

The local political public alleged the continuance of an SED-ring. This allegation was reinforced by the appointment of a new manager for the Memorial, whose former membership in the Communist Party of the Federal Republic DKP became public only a little later. Because of this he then had to resign.

The dismissal of those employees at the Memorial, who had been members of the SED, became the main criterion for an appropriate reorganization of the institution. This commission was supposed to relieve the new director of personnel-political decisions. This procedure did not seem to bring about a consensus between all persons involved, but increased the prospect of recognition of corresponding decisions.

The institutional arrangements thus called forth the assumption that it was now possible to decide with better reason in case of disagreement. Other renowned historians from the former federal states were members, of which the majority can be regarded as experts on National Socialism. Furthermore, an editor of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, versed in this field, and a female representative of a West-German memorial were appointed. On the 15 th of September the commission announced its fundamental decision to separate the two commemoration spheres spatially and at the same time recommended: Furthermore, the exhibition of the Concentration Camp Buchenwald was to be drafted anew because of the obvious distortions.

Afterwards a corresponding exposition for an adequate commemoration of the Special Camp was to be elaborated. Moreover, the commission advocated an exhibition documenting the history of the Memorial from to The new conception thus resulted in a hierarchical presentation of now three periods of history , , , which were categorized under the catchwords Buchenwald I, II, and III during consultations.

In this, one can make out a general trend of commemorative activities related to National Socialism: In the follow-up report, which the commission had formulated subsequent to the repeated hearing of the persons concerned on the 14th of February , the commission tried to take the various interests into account. The revealed burial-places were essentially to be preserved in their form as woodland graveyards and a place of mourning was to be erected additionally.

Besides this conceptual decision the commission recommended a legal step: These recommendations were met with approval by all parties represented in the Federal State Parliament of Thuringia on the 17th of September and were thus politically authorized. Although the institutional transformation of the Memorial was largely settled administratively by this political decision, the controversies regarding the contents of the facility continued.

One of the reasons for this was that formal claims rather than claims as to the contents were made regarding the reshaping, not only because the past of both camps still was to be investigated in full. At the same time, however, an intense demand for acting existed especially for the exhibition about the Concentration Camp, since the date, the changes had to be finished, was already set by the 50th anniversary of the liberation in April This is, in our opinion, an example of how political controversies about history can develop an internal logic of commemorative culture here: Within the now detached comparative perspective of the two German dictatorships, the conflict accumulated in an argument about the Communist functional prisoners.

Their role was conveyed by document findings in the SED-archive, in the course of corresponding researches for the revision of the exposition, which goes back to the time of the GDR. The corresponding findings remained controversial, but led to the resignation of a managing director of the Memorial, who had held office in the meantime. As a cause of the ongoing problems he named the impediment by employees, which had been members of the SED. In the election year of the discussion about personnel was issue of a press campaign, particularly urged on by a tabloid newspaper in Thuringia BILD-Zeitung , in which the dismissal of former SED-members was demanded.

Supposedly they had been working for the State Security and were now obstacles to a truthful working out of the past. A board of curators, consisting most of all of historians, manages the conception of the institution. These advisory boards were established in July of and the Cultural Scientist Volkhard Knigge was appointed as the new managing director of the Memorial and the Foundation. At the same time the only East-German member of the board of curators had to resign due to his proven former activity for the Ministry of State Security. Simultaneously a first edition with excerpts of the documents relevant for the argument was published Niethammer Although the evaluation of the findings was controversial, this publication enabled a review of the statements, which were to manifest themselves in the exhibition.

With the opening of the new permanent exhibition about the history of the Concentration Camp — on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the liberation in April — the commemoration of the Special Camp moved into the center of interest. In June of the construction of the exhibition building had started, according to a plan a price had been awarded to by a jury. This triggered a controversy because, according to Knigge, the design contained elements that lean upon the design of Holocaust Memorials.

In his opinion this could have been understood as an attempt to relativize the separation of commemoration by aesthetical means. The participatory rights of the persons concerned were not heeded with reference to a possible endangering of the fundamental decision. Had the construction been implemented as intended, the fundamental decision to differentiate commemoration would have been neutralized by the equivalence established through the architecture.

The victims of the Special Camp and the sciential representatives of totalitarianism theory tried to instrumentalize the discussions for a revision of the fundamental decisions made for Buchenwald. Only the legitimacy of the decision-making procedure could be set against this politico-moral rating. Although the institutional transformation regarding the contents of the Buchenwald Memorial is for the most part completed and can be considered a success from a sciential and museum-didactical perspective , the controversy on the grounds of politics of memory continues.

Mission Impossible — has the redesign therefore failed? The development could be just as well understood as the actual intended result of the chosen institutional arrangement: This, however, did not settle the conflict, resulting out of the competition of commemorative claims, but regulated it at least.

The symbolical significance of the historic site now exactly infers from the reflection about the various connotations, to which the memories there realized refer. Indeed, this differentiation of commemoration turns out to be an insult to the victim-groups concerned. A de-ideologization of commemorative cultures instead of a de-historization and de-concretization of historical events can be stated, as the heterogeneity of the historical information relevant is not preserved in a homogeneous picture of history, which could be ritually received or ritually consummated there.

We have presented an example of an intervention in interpretational conflicts related to the past, which in our opinion was not awkward and rather wise. It can furthermore illustrate the, at times quite turbulent, process of politics of memory. In other policy areas a parallelism of three streams can be stated, according to the so-called Garbage-Can-Model as 1 problem accumulation and articulation, 2 the relevant policy community, including political advocates, mediators and entrepreneurs, and as 3 political increase for instance concerning elections.

These parallel streams run corresponding to each other and make decisions possible at certain intersections windows of opportunities. Here also an analogous process has taken place, having, of course, two characteristic aspects, which could be interpreted as defects and re-actualized in a conflictual manner: The East-West-disparity could turn out as the second deficiency.

The redesign of Buchenwald has shown very precisely that the East-West-dimension has now always to be taken into consideration in regard to the past. Up to now this dimension has not permitted a mutual perception or a unanimous problem awareness. In connection to this, overall transformations of politics of memory are imaginable, surpassing the German special case. These transformations can only be listed here in keywords:. In regard to the Concentration Camp Buchenwald, first of all, the effect of the gradual, biologically determined cessation of the immediate memory of contemporaries becomes obvious.

They have played a major role in the founding as well as the legend of the GDR-memorial. But what will change, when the last survivors — victims and silent accomplices as well as perpetrators — have died and the immediate existential dimension of memory, established through experiencing and being affected, is thus thrust to the background. This has always been the claim of historiography and Historical Science striving for objectivity, whose methodological distance excelled the claim of oral reporting for authenticity.

Their digitalization has enlarged the funds immensely and allows to have them at disposal independent of time or place, whereby rigid and vivid pictures play a more important, and at the same time more controversial role cf. Presentational formats of popular culture become more significant as well, including fictional and collaged elements. Connected to this is thirdly a transnationalization of commemoration, parallel to the globalization of economy, culture and politics, therefore a commemoration, which orients itself on the by far most excellent memorials worldwide.

Fourthly, as the example of Buchenwald should have shown adequately, the opportunity for an all-round instrumentalization of memory for political objectives related to the present as well as a certain degree of nationalization of commemorative rituals is given. This raises the difficult question of what lessons are to be drawn from the past with all seriousness anew. Wahlperiode des Deutschen Bundestages , Bd. Politik mit der Erinnerung. Politische Kultur in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Geschichtspolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Der Weg zur bundesrepublikanischen Erinnerung Au contraire des anciennes technologies, les nouvelles machines remplacent la fonction de conserver par des transmissions rapides.

Nous ne stockons plus des choses mais des relations. Faut-il repenser le capitalisme? A quoi bon les entasser? Certes, mais la main y gagna de nouvelles performances: Du coup, mieux vaut dire: Ce long raisonnement se reconduit, invariant, pour les autres fonctions cognitives. Cette instance, juge ou chef, la philosophie la nomme: Etrange pouvoir du corps humain de se transformer pour parties en objets! In deutscher Sprache erschienen u. Der Thesaurus der exakten Wissenschaften, Frankfurt a.

Why does the black book of Nazism remain, in the consciousness of so many of those preoccupied by the history of the twentieth century, blacker than than the black book of Communism? And what does that difference in intensity say about the two sorts of historical memory? The premise, of course, is contestable from the outset. Many historical commentators would deny that the memory of Nazi crimes has and will retain a more compelling horror, a more enduring traumatic quality than the memory of even Stalinist crimes.

Many East Europeans who experienced Communism would argue that any such prioritizing of traumatic memory is in effect the peculiar perspective of Western intellectuals, some of whom were marxissant for decades, and some of whom frequently the same were Jews and thus brought a sense of personal vulnerability that made the Holocaust a more vivid menace.

Nonetheless, I believe it correct to argue that the memory of Nazi crimes has not faded, but that of Communist crimes has. Nonetheless, for all the literary talent, the authenticity of testimony, the revelations of fanatical ideas and secretive paranoia, and the unmatched body counts, horror abates and memory becomes dispassionate.

I have tried to suggest the quality of this difference by using the terms hot memory and cold memory. To borrow a metaphor from nuclear physics, between a traumatic collective memory with a long half life — a plutonium of history that fouls the landscape with its destructive radiation for centuries — and the much less perduring fall-out from, say, the isotope tritium, which dissipates relatively quickly. This paper is not an argument about which experience was more atrocious, but about which has remained engraved in memory — historical, personal — more indelibly.

Let me admit from the outset that this is a very partial discussion. The memory of totalitarianism in the West is only part of a world-wide history of atrocities. The challenges to working through collective memory in Argentina and Brazil, Chile, Guatemala and South Africa are also daunting; in China and Cambodia they have hardly started. Forster, and Chinue Achebe, and against those authors suspended between worlds: Naipualu or Solomon Rushdie. Our memory of fascism and communism is thus a very partial recollection of griefs.

Of course, there are compelling reasons one could propose at the outset for the hot memory of Nazism versus the cold memory of Communism. The National Socialist regime had to be overthrown by a terrible war, which it pressed upon Europe. Hence they they survived to pass into the milder phase that Vaclav Havel termed post-totalitarianism.

Such transitions raise moral problems for domestic and foreign opponents: When, moreover, does a transition from reliance on force to the manipulation of civil society indicate a confidence that control can be maintained, and when does it suggest that control and consensus is actually weakening? No matter how these questions are answered — and they must be answered individually for each regime, and each period — any such party-state that enters a phase of post-totalitarianism will leave a far muddier historical legacy than one that goes down in flames.

For one thing those administering the old regime have often lost faith; they have an interest in making their own deals and passing over the historical divide without being swept away. To be sure, careful histories continue to reveal the cruelty of Communist control. In France denunciations of Communist crimes have erupted like giant solar flares every twenty years or so to horrify the non-Communist Left and not just conservative circles: Still, after a year or two of hothouse debate and outrage, the denunciations seem to lose their force.

It is not that the public does not know the facts; it is that the moral outrage cools and the Stalinist past receeds despite the poignant memoirs of victims, the undoubted literary monuments, and the hectoring of neoconservatives and old liberals. Outside of Eastern Europe, I fear, we must really blow on the embers of the Gulag to revive the appropriate fear and loathing. In contrast, the Holocaust has only grown more and more significant a constitutent of Western collective memory.

We debate Holocaust memorials and museums, but rarely monuments to the victims of Stalinism. Pilgrims and tourists visit Auschwitz and Dachau, but not Vorkuta or Katyn. Professors can still put up pictures of Marx and Engels and Lenin or Mao in their offices, but not Hitler or Himmler, not even as expressions of post-modern irony. For a few years after the transformations of l, indignation remained strong. The continuing revelations of Stasi complicity, the Czech lustration procedures, and early electoral contests seemed likely to preserve the memories of communism as a vivid moral force.

But these sources of outrage have also weakened. It is hard to believe that any significant current of European opinion would censure Germany if someday a coalition including the PDS came to power. The Communist past has been remarkably unburdensome; it lingers with an incredible lightness of being. Let us look more closely at which memories are hot and which cold.

The issue is not that of fascist memory in general, but of the memory of National Socialism, even though there is a large degree of overlap and it is sometimes justifiable to talk of German fascism. But other fascist experiences have not aroused the same degree of revulsion, even if any attempted replay would lead to public demonstrations and clashes. To a degree the reasons are the same as in the case of communist regimes.

Franco lived long enough after exiling, jailing, and executing his opponents to enjoy American aid in return for air bases and to restore the monarchy. By the end of the ls, Italian Fascism seemed to have shed its earlier violence: In , the attempt by the Christian Democratic premier designate to include the MSI in his coalition led to massive street demonstrations on the part of the Left and had to be abandoned. The inclusion of the Alleanza Nazionale in a rightwing coalition after the next elections will presumably lead to no more than a few tepid and politically perfunctory parades.

The historical memory of fascism no longer mobilizes. The memory of National Socialism is different. Perhaps, though, it is not even the collective memory of Nazism that is at stake, but just the Holocaust, or the Holocaust and the camps. This has to be a very subjective reading of the evidence: But the further question still remains, why the Gulag Archipelago does not have the same visceral impact. Consider some possible explanations. Can the differential outcome not be attributed to successful identity politics? If we want to account for the difference between the memory of Nazism and the memory of Communism, two approaches are possible.

One focuses on those who do the remembering, the other on what is being remembered. Modern historical memory is never universal. The communities of memory for those who suffered at the hands of Nazism are not the same as those who suffered at the hands of Communism. Jews and non-Jews shared different fates. It is not that communities of memory cannot possess empathy for the victims in other communities. Often, that empathy has been slow and belated, indeed often just an intellectual acknowledgment rather than authentic sharing.

The communities of Nazi memory may have certain material advantages over the communities of Communist memory. After all, there may be incentives that keep the community of Nazi memory in being. The German government has provided reparations for many years now: Sites of commemoration have been established — in Germany, in Israel, in Washington D. The Berlin memorial has been endlessly debated, visited in anticipation, as it were, over ans over. In short a whole network of commemorative, lieux de memoire , help to sustain the community of Nazi memory.

If we adopt the views of those critical of this community — most recently and blatantly Norman Finkelstein, but other voices, too, that occasionally find an outlet in Switzerland, Austria, and elsewhere — it is, in fact, the incentives provided that nurture a very self-interested group of memorialists, the so-called Holocaust industry. Indeed a museum of tolerance is slated to be constructed out of the Idaho Headquarters of the American Nazi wannabees: To date, we have no equivalent incentives provided to the memorialists of Communism.

Moreover, there has been no authority prepared to provide reparations; but how could they? I do not think that former prisoners or families of those imprisoned have been given claims against the successor regimes. Still, I do not think it is the differing incentive structure that keeps the community of Nazi memory more cohesive and active than the community of communist memory.

And it is not the sociology of these communities that makes the difference — at least it is not the social structure directly.

Politika dekomunizace

They did not organize their own victimhood. It is the nature of the ideology and regime that creates the group. The Holocaust was not just ethnic cleansing, not just the mindless moving of Crimean Tatars to the interior, not even the starvation of much of Ukraine. Therein, I believe, lies much of the reason for hot versus cold memory. Call Nazi violence and genocidal policies targetted terror in contrast with the stochastic terror of Stalinism. The latter was stochastic terror because it was predictable in the aggregate but not for individuals; no one might foresee who next would be discovered as a wrecker or a conspirator.

Targetted terror in the case of the former because it struck its victims according to their discernable qualities: There are societies where targetted terror focuses on religious and communal loyalties, as in Ulster or in India, on allegedly ethnic differences, as in Rwanda, and still other societies where it rages along political and class-determined lines, as in South and Central America.

In some situations targetted and stochastic terror rage side by side. The Khmer Rouge murdered all the Vietnamese they could inside Cambodia and struck at a vast, but indeterminate number of Cambodians. But it is targetted terror, I would submit, that bequeathes hot memory. There is finally a further reason I believe that operates to keep warm the memory of Nazism and genocide. It is that of complicity. Very few of us are perpetrators, and we cannot envisage ourselves as perpetrators.

But most thoughtful Europeans, and Americans, too, can imagine themselves as bystanders. Bystanding, after all, has been one of the major historical roles of the 20th century — explored, however, in few systematic histories. Of course, complicity is a theme in the history of Communist systems.

Again Havel provides the pointed allegory of the shopkeeper who toes the line by putting a party slogan in his window. But by the period of so-called post-totalitarianism that sort of complicity no longer cost victims their lives. And in an earlier decade, the Soviet citizen could not know who was to be arrested next. Terror struck stochastically, without apparent cause. Nazism, however, made clear who would be removed, deported, and made to disappear.

The Nazi past, and other genocidal pasts make everyone ask, how would I have behaved. The question that recurs in our Holocaust museums, our concentration camp visits, our contemplation of the little railroad spur at the Gruenewald Bahnhof, is not: Would I have been a Nazi, or in Rwanda a machete wielder, or in Bosnia a member of a killing squad? It is this almost universal question that the memory of Nazism prompts, and this question that makes our historical memory less so persistent than so infintely renewable. Every generation can use the Nazi experience to ask itself this question, Hot memory is memory that engages so many of us — not because we are evil, but because our courage or saintliness is limited.

The Communist past involved less painful soul-searching. Generally the former communists really felt no less certainty about their new position: But the centrality of antisemitism — although this came slowly — did finally lead to a significant degree of what for lack of a more precise term I will call shame. Havel speaks perceptively about those living under Communism, who did not speak truth to power.

They helped a system stay in being; but they did not have the impression of having helped it liquidate innocent people. Silence was different under Nazism: Shame has become a powerful concept in considering the aftermath of atrocity. A new legal literature seeks to use the concept as an alternative to assigning guilt in achieving restorative justice.

What consequences should bystanding incur? Shame involves a very personal sense of having committed an offense, not just abstract but against a person, a neighbor, family member — of betrayal. But it will not often come to the first generation. In the immediate aftermath of a discredited regime, those who were passive have often resented the moral claims of those who resisted or went into exile.

Over time shame grows. Serbs and Hutu alike now resist confronting their targetted terrorism, but we can hope that gradually the admittedly painful reassessment will begin. But shame is troubling. Nazi memory in Germany has, I believe, come to construct itself centrally around the consciousness of complicity. It has left children and grandchildren ashamed but not guilty. It is not that shame is not present in Communist systems.

Shame results from a sense of betrayal — whether betrayal of God or a neighbor or a cause. The widespread sense of complicity that collaboration with Stasi left could not but contribute to shame. But it has left its sense of complicity among those who actually collaborated. After all, they lived under the regime, were tested, and remained uncorrupted. It is paradoxical, but the system that still seems more evil to many of us, which few of us feel we would have rallied to, is actually the one the memory of which existentially tests us through history.

Communism has asked its bystanders less painful a question. They have had less shame to live with, provided that they did not enter into an unholy bargain with the agencies of internal security. At the end, I fear, I have offered less comparative history than a very speculative hypothesis that wanders from the discipline of history into psychology and moral enquiry.

Perhaps my paper can be construed as a contribution to just such an exercise. For the sake of this inquiry, please excuse me from laboring the scholarly distinctions between history and memory. Das System der deutschen Konzentrationslager 13th ed. Living outside the Gates of Mauthausen New York, See also Raoul Hilberg, Perpetrators victims bystanders: Vaclav Havel [ 1 ]. It is a fitting metaphor for the countries of Central Europe, embarking on a transition towards a democratic future while looking backwards to their past.

Any new political order after a dictatorship is confronted with crucial choices concerning the legacy of the old. Should it settle accounts with the representatives of the old regime rather than facing up first of all to the tasks of the future. Is retroactive justice a threat to the rule of law and to political stability?

Or is a clear break with the institutions and personnel associated with the past regime a pre-condition for a successful consolidation of democracy. All these arguments about transitional justice have been a prominent feature of intellectual and political debate of the past decade in Central and Eastern Europe. It raises important political, legal and ethical issues of broader significance that each country handled in its own way.

Indeed, one of the striking features of decommunization in Central and Eastern Europe is the great diversity of approaches, of means chosen and of timing from one country to another. It also drew considerable attention outside its borders, owing at least in part, to the new international context which has witnessed the emergence, on one hand, of the experiences with Truth and Reconciliation Commission as in South Africa and, on the other hand, of the International War Crimes Tribunal for former Yugoslavia.

Was communism only an unpleasant parenthesis in the historical development of the region or have its more than forty years rule deeper roots and deeper legacies? Was it just inflicted from outside and from above on reluctant societies or has their adaptability to the system left an imprint which will not easily wash away with rhetorical or judicial excommunications?

Reclaiming the pre-communist past has its own traps. Furthermore how to come to terms with the communist past in historiography itself? The Czech case is of particular interest in both respects and it presents a double paradox: Nowhere in post-Soviet East-Central Europe has decommunization both legal and rhetorical gone further than in Czechoslovakia and later in the Czech Republic. Yet it is also the only country in the region which harbours on the political scene an unreconstructed Communist Party which, unlike its counter-parts in neighbouring countries, has not bothered to change its name, claims proudly a continuity with the achievements of the pre past and enjoys fairly consistent support in part of Czech society.

Nowhere in the region, in the two decades preceding the collapse of the old regime, has historiography been subjected to such a thorough purge[ 4 ]. Yet it is also the country that, until recently, carefully avoided a wide-ranging historical debate about the specific place of communism in contemporary Czech history and politics. Both issues are clearly connected and briefly analyzed here. In dealing with the legacies of communist dictatorship the transition to democracy in Central Europe was soon confronted with the issue of what to do with the perpetrators of repression and human rights violations before and to what extent and how to compensate the victims.

According to estimates for Czechoslovakia about a quarter million people were at one point or another imprisoned on political grounds and people were sentenced to death. These policies drew criticism inside the country and abroad. So why did the Czechs in East Germany the process was clearly linked to reunification and was largely driven from West Germany push decommunization further and sooner than their neighbours? Not surprisingly, Among the many beautiful and interesting devices before it really happens, or, as I dare to rephrase it, the much more pleasurable task of actually David directed its replication through stu- in this documentary record of ilming everyday life an event must take place virtually before it occurs treating the question of repetition and paint- dent copies, utilizing a process that difers in Moscow, one stands out in the context of this efectively.

It is this twice-over of an event that ing in the art of our artists to the essayists little from portraiture replication in the argument. Their discussions, which range service of monarchy or papacy. And yet, ing a white horse as it draws a carriage of new and it is its virtual occurrence before the fact that broadly from academic to avant-garde pro- what does distinguish this otherwise typi- arrivals from the station to their hotel.

The horse is restores to the event its truth as retroactive hap- duction, and from the long view of institu- cal case of a prime version and its replica moving briskly, at a canter. I will allow myself only tains within it a Judeo-Christian element graph. This frozen image is more magical, it modernity, it has become a necessity for this brief, closing meditation on repetition of empirical veriication.

As conjured by suddenly seems, than the illusion of movement the activation of meaning and value. Now we have returned to an aesthetics of repetition, which I have induced to Republican fervor. The shape of time to embody. In this repetition and its consequent repetitiveness. Studio of Jacques- Fig. Oil on Marat, The Death of Marat, Oil on canvas. Oil on canvas, December , 42—45, Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology: Michael Fried, Art and Objecthood: Oxford evolution of this essay.

University of Chicago Press, , University Press, , 11 n. Fried for afording me the intellectual stimulation exh. Paul Patton New York: Vincent Van Gogh and a New NRF, , 45, Copies, Varia- catalogue includes an essay by Fried of the same title. Richard Shif, and Charles Stuckey, who participated Gazda, ed. University of Chicago Press, , 75, irst in a two-day colloquium on the themes of this project Artistic Originality and Tradition from the Present to Briony Fer, The Ininite Line: Yale University , 29— Press, , 2.

For an absorbing exploration of this term as mani- Deleuze, Diference and Repetition, The title in French given to the painting by David between master and pupils, see Thomas E. See Daniel Wildenstein Emulation: See George New Haven and London: Yale University Press, Fondation Kubler, The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History 9. The classic texts on this topic are Rosalind E. Clark makes this very point in the opening Press, , Modernist Myths Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, ; fact. University of Chicago Press, I will not replicate the exhaustive bibliography in the United States, is still instructive today.

Kubler topic, including Rosalind E. Of the many narratives that Bann follows in many art historians, conservators, and cultural histori- recommending a better balance between meaning- October 18 Autumn , 47—66; and Richard Shif, Parallel Lines, his analysis of the long genesis of Luigi ans.

For a partial overview of the literature on the obsessed iconology and form-obsessed morphology. For an array of more recent essays 5. I would like to acknowledge Thomas Crow as the Ernest Meissonier — , in his insightful treat- term, neither the painting itself nor yet and not for devoted to this single painting, see Masterpieces source of this useful metaphor, which he provided ment of nineteenth-century academic painting in many years the model for the completed reproduc- of Western Painting: Ernest Meissonier and tion.

William Vaughan and Helen Weston London: Princeton University temporarily invested in an object that epitomized Cambridge University Press, I must also thank Dr. See Stephen Bann, Parallel Lines: Printmakers, rather than its input or its outcome. Useful discussions of this topic include but are assimilation of the conventions of still life in this which has proven to be an extremely useful point of New Haven and London: Economic Transformation of the Artistic Field are positioned with their heads dangling at a like 6.

Dutton, , John Coplans, Serial Imagery, exh. This change was not simply a matter of marketing, although the rise of a new type of art dealer with broad international reach was a major factor in stimulating the new developments. New techniques of reproduction, which difused the fame of living artists, grew at a truly exponential rate, as did the use of existing techniques such as burin engraving and lithography. There was also a boom in new institutions that featured contemporary art as well as the great works of the past. The collection of William T.

Walters, composed initially of works acquired in Paris from the most prestigious French artists and dealers of the day, but destined for the transatlantic city of Baltimore, is emblematic of this turn of events. Nonetheless, his deiantly individual practice throws the general picture into relief. This momentous transformation has, however, received little close attention until recently. The extensive circulation of images in repro- duction that reached hitherto untouched sectors of the population during the nineteenth century underpinned the creation of new collections and the new public institutions that housed them.

Yet in the course of the following century such institutions began to operate a kind of unoicial censorship over the so-called academic art of the period. Paul Getty Museum in spring , regarded as a preliminary course in the prac- to the master. What status had they? Its concluding table of artistic problem in with regard to a painting the Athenaeum columnist is signiicant. He side by side and clearly diferentiated. Delaroche was has been so long familiar to the public by the the Paris Salon, later ofered for sale in authorship.

But here it was largely a matter then at the height of his international fame, means of engraving. The such identiication would become intensely works, Cromwell and Charles I Of course it can- note to the dealer Adolphe Goupil: Even today, curators and col- long familiar to the public by the means of of the painting and ofering a legitimate basis of the century.

The relative price of such a lectors occasionally compete to establish that engraving. Rossetti judges lotte Bonaparte in the Museo Napoleonico, mid-nineteenth century, seeking reassurance duplicate. Paul Getty were not necessarily recognized as such— question. A London columnist for personage. The illustrious British patrons who had pur- expressed in this last judgment.

But the anom- French painter whom the English lionized ies. There was also the nagging here are not inconsistent. It is simply that cannot be dismissed so easily. This essay varieties of repetition: However, 31 the Liverpool banker James Naylor. But it relates this saturated tone giving so strong an efect that, ords from this early period are unhelpful in which involved a vexatious dispute in this development to the phenomenon of the forming the central focus of a wall, it domi- this case, being conined to entries for works case.

Hamburg sus- of galleries. It was only to be expected that he until the recent past. In the case of the their New York gallery under the name of ig. We cannot say when it left Dela- shire family then resident in New York City. Previously, ship between the two works, which also of like-minded citizens to create the irst the cultivated American patrons of the arts originated two contemporary reproductive Kunstverein art union in Hamburg, which had focused their energies on accumulating engravings.

If the article were to be revised Fig. Paul Delaroche, led in due course to the building of the origi- remarkable collections of reproductive prints, today, additional factors might still be taken Cromwell and Charles I, nal part of the present Kunsthalle. Hamburger old world would never traverse the ocean. Are these two large paint- Crossing the Alps that Onslow bought in the possibilities of the future, a sort of restrained Academic Painting: Or, to put it involved compositional changes of this mag- joy at the dazzling light as it were of his glorious diferently, how should we interpret the nitude.

This makes it all the more revelatory destiny appears through the immoveableness of slight, but signiicant, variations between that one contemporary French critic under- his silent and meditative features. This secret strife the two versions? Quoted on sion is one of the most diicult things which the more fundamental question.

Rarely are the page of the Bulletin of the American Art- painting can attempt and M. They invariably is this extraordinary interpretation of the it in his compositions. In both the features in the two pictures, though the sec- two Bonapartes—diferent nuances in the First Consul is represented as mounted upon a ond suggests a livelier cast to the eyes.

The treatment of the Alpine landscape, a tricolor mule, the direction of which he abandons entirely present opportunity to compare them is admit- cockade making an appearance—it would to a guide. Yet the French critic who saw the tion. His thought never have seen the two completed pictures process of repetition, or more cynically is elsewhere—it dwells in the future and in the together, though he might have had access to ofer the new client something, however dreams of his ambition. It is diferently translated to its predecessor before it left for America.

But this seems unlikely, in view of the later that it is almost the antithesis of the last, on the contrary, the head has a younger air phenomenological precision of the descrip- logic followed in the working procedures tion. It is not just a question of scrutinizing of Ingres. We can pass over examples like of mind. But in relating directly to the process of repetition.

Dela- have been used in the process of duplication. Bonaparte Crossing the Bonaparte Crossing Alps, Oil on canvas, the Alps: Black chalk earlier successes at the Salon, Les enfants Fig. Probably Bonaparte Crossing ings suggests that only the central igures Museums Liverpool on paper, Delaroche was known to have taken Clark Art Institute amounts to a total revision of the scene.

No RF special pains in working up the igure of The new findings of the Walters — Looking first of all at the central figures, it is possible to pick up the darker areas on the torsos Perhaps Strahan provided his detailed of Apelles and Phidias, where much overpainting explanation in view of the fact that the Wal- has taken place figs. In a handbook of nineteenth-century covering the background to a large extent, though a few passages without overpainting still betray the artists published in Boston in , it was more careful approach of the student. The student copy was commissioned this unsigned drawing might not be by in there can be no doubt.

Over the same period, his authoritative study, The Art Treasures brushed as the present specimen. Nevertheless, through a rare com- ship of the new world in connection with bination of circumstances, it has proved that of the old. The fact Paris [igs. The Baltimore pic- that this history involves so many of the ture [ig.

Morgan Marshall, At the posthumous sale of Dela- by Delaroche. This essay is roche. The sale catalogue, which complex work. Moreover, the circumstances vides a broadly accurate description: Entries from late in the course of my argument. For the gesture of Delaroche in reassuming respon- in by M. Paul Delaroche, with notable must have been carried out in situ. The anomaly is the vast modiications. This alternative also indicates price. In all prob- at the massive igure of 17 million francs after ability, Delaroche initially held onto the paint- his death in From relinquish its poignant associations.

At his death modious premises. This seems pensable Goupil on two works by Delaroche, before and found no buyer. By the time that Gaillard could not have failed to notice that 10 percent commission. The knowledge of and Raphael. Maybe undeniably both a repetition and a reduction, hardly accidental. In mayoralty through ill health—a departure were dismissed.

Comparing the price paid by a century of modernist hegemony that it is two respects, he can be viewed as the lineal accelerated by the parlous political situation Walters with the valuations being set on the hard to overcome the derogatory connota- Fig. Robert Jefferson successor of Delaroche. First of all, he was in the country—that frustrated such a plan. Here the journal of the American art agent ; the painting in question in fact sold George Lucas takes over in covering the inal for 4, francs in The new edition, however, shows all their efect, and I regret not to have thought of it married the daughter of his dealer, Adolphe ing, but, moreover, being transplanted to the up some slight marks on the stone, and at irst when I executed the original.

This improve- Goupil, thus becoming a house artist who theatre [in ]. The applied hand-coloring with the other. Art et entreprise , an to some extent. The What emerges from this constellation fusion is no longer possible. In short, I am happy exemplary catalogue lists no less than nine of new forms of reproduction is the virtual that it has fallen into the hands of Mr Walters of separate modes of reproduction, all of which disappearance not just of the traditional Baltimore, since I am told he can appreciate things were still being advertised in sale catalogues process of burin engraving, but of the seriously conceived and seriously executed.

No burin engrav- whole philosophy that underpinned this ing of the work was produced—such as had labor-intensive procedure. But and the hybrid process of photogravure, art that runs parallel to that of his academic the full gamut of less time-consuming tech- is no longer envisaged as a form of transla- colleagues, but along entirely diferent lines.

During his early diferent sizes and prices were ofered to coloring, which was despised by traditional years in Rome, he himself made drawings the consumer: He set Duel after the Masquerade igs. The prime version shown at the Salon same as the basic, uncolored version of hardly be blamed for the far-reaching devel- career, and so forged a close link with the of ig.

In the at the Paris Salon. Oil on canvas, — Bequest of stone background, hand- Fig. The gory played some role in the elaboration sioned for the Louvre. Delaroche certainly catalogue entries follow a simple protocol: Ingres his more eclectic and historicist wall paint- version ig. Not much more old age represented a special triumph over he was able to spread the knowledge of his can be said about the small undated version mortality. The painter Jean Gigoux — most ambitious work on a scale that needs than the hypothetical view of the recent records: Ingres, who was catalogue: He many years on a drawing that was more inclu- in connection with the changes.

It was really superb. But in no case About the Baltimore version, there is commercial signiicance. It was probably begun as new opportunities of patronage arising in near-identical paintings, such as the two early as , but completed only in an increasingly internationalized market. Certain career subjects that he had irst tackled in three versions were in private collections, of the drawings relating to the composition his early years. These very noted that the work—reproduced in a litho- from Oil on canvas, ca.

Wright, Prints at the Smithsonian: As a comparison, 51 See Bann, Delaroche, Bulletin of the American Art-Union, December had reached the price of 52, francs when sold from Cassell, , Goupil] this extensive picture and print mer- in another periodical, the Literary World. See Les peintres illustres: The occasion for Gymnase in The Lady Jane Grey Mireur, Dictionnaire des Art et Entreprise, exh.

Artprice, [] , vol. For biographical details, see the short entry in Albertin, Histoire contemporaine de Grenoble which a print after the Duel can be identiied on the 2. Gratien, wall of a bourgeois apartment. In this in the Louvre, Cabinet des dessins. None of these is a — , 3: For the background to this fundamental change, case, all three paintings were destined for members full-size drawing duplicating the igure as it appears see Stephen Bann, Parallel Lines: Earl Shinn], The Art this gift.

Yale University Press, , 3. Houghton, Milin, ; repr. Art Museum, Three Fathers of the Church North Point, , 1: Marco Chiarini, Tableaux italiens: Strahan, Art Treasures, Librairie des contemporains, , Dante Gabriel Rossetti, Collected Works, 2 vols. Ellis and Elvey, , 2: Bulletin of the American Art-Union, August , The Diary of George A.

An American Art Agent Catalogue des tableaux, — Princeton University Press, , 2: When of 29 August , in which he expresses his joy at die Kunst in Hamburg von — Munich: Christopher Baker and Tom Henry, comp. National Gallery Publications, , Art Museum for these observations. The information is provided in Bulletin of the Mirecourt, Delaroche Decamps, Actes Sud, , ; and George American Art-Union, April , 15, where it is proph- known for his habit of picking up savory anecdotes Gallimard, , 18— See Manet —, exh.

The address given by both artists on respective nationales du Grand Palais Paris: Maria, queen of Charles I, and is now in a private col- version but does not explain his disagreement with John Langdon — served as governor of the It is possible that the collector of trated in Stephen Bann, Paul Delaroche: Ingres painted at the age of 83, Princeton University Press, , Paul Delaroche, sale of 12—13 June at the , box 2, p.

Both Millet and Corot drew inspiration not only from nature but also from art—speciically their own art. This essay explores the importance of repetition and of the repeating image in the studio practice of these two artists. The involvement of nineteenth-century painters with the theme of repetition has begun to attract increasing scholarly attention in recent years, prompted by an environment in which the idea of repetition is celebrated rather than denied. Over the course low over the horizon. This efect accomplished than subsequent versions, develop chosen motifs, often giving his rep- painted out to the right with a still clearly is reproduced in the painting.

Accord- by students rather than by the artist him- themes for Millet, such as sheep-shearing or now in Boston ig. This sower, ren- ensuring that he is more contained by the medium such as engraving or lithography. The cumulative efect painted them. His outstretched ing monumentality of the Boston image but Millet and Corot, as we shall see, highlights sower igs.

The sense of rustic nineteenth century. In examining the role artistic innovation. First, repetition sower making the sign of the cross with the paintings. His cap is also now pulled down informed by principally aesthetic reasons, seed before proceeding to scatter it across more dramatically over his ears.

The time by the often obsessive need to reine and the land. Pencil and red chalk on paper, Paris. We can turn initially to the former Normandy. Oil on canvas, Oil on canvas, Marian Casey and Mr. Shaw Haughton George L. Paul Getty s and was perhaps intended as a per- Strategies of Repetition: Plate labor of sowing. The Walters Art Museum print ig. Galerie Durand- bathing the harrower and his oxen whose parent oil washes thinned with turpentine, the s.

Still in the state of expansion of the art market in France and diferent interpretations. On the one hand, his paint surfaces disturbed many critics.

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Oil on condition that touches me the most in art. At a time of grow- of variants of a view of Lake Riva that he irst in red. It much darker and covered with far more of the careers of Millet and Corot reveals the as Souvenir of Riva, Cincinnati Museum of has not previously been noted that in Febru- shrubs. Perhaps the most notable aspect of position ig. In the addresses the evening star in the distance, three aforementioned trees. The removal of seeing the original; I keep a copy of all my early s, for example, he produced four while close by a shepherd leads his lock the largest was particularly crucial, since this works in my heart and in my eyes.

Corot often produced repetitions after Salon see ig. In the early s, than his more naturalistic scenes or grand an antique-style costume with a loose-itting ning Star ig. Conservation analysis has shown that daughter, Jennie, is also said to have asked for his repetitions. The In addition to these two fully documented his stafage. The irst is a rapidly painted subtle diferences in the treatment of dawn of the central tree see ig.

Their ghostlike these requests. The silhouette of the woman small-scale work, similar to the Toulouse and early morning light efects as well as the pentimenti can still be made out. The work is in fact notably less deined than in the painting in its touches of red on the igures variation in the treatment of igures. Baltimore, Walters Art Museum. Bequest of Henry Walters, Reproduced from Catalogue des tableaux anciens et des tableaux modernes composant la collec- tion de feu M.

Digital infrared Museum, is more mysterious and has Millet also produced a signiicant number 65 Burrell Collection that reproduced paint- photograph, August attracted little attention in the literature. Millet critical success at the Salon ig. During the early tion of the lock and placement of the sheep thinner than that of the Toulouse version, as s, he began to emphasize the color in in comparison with the Salon work. Perhaps is the lighter overall atmosphere. This ver- these pastels. In translating his Shepherd- slightly smaller in scale.

Both have the care- for him as his paintings; indeed, he rarely ess and Her Flock into the medium of pastel, fully outlined form of the woman, the same exhibited them during his lifetime. Millet always sought lecks of pink paint. The similarity of compo- the renaissance of the pastel medium dur- to take advantage of the graphic qualities of sition and facture suggest that it was painted ing the s.

His pastels have in fact come the pastel medium in contrast to oil paint. Yet, his replication of the adherence of the pastel. They also suggest may have used assistants to meet the grow- to gray—to suggest a variety of light efects. Rather than that it was produced by Corot in collaboration ing demand for work in his later career. He modestly used the terms of format, light efect, and facture. Oudinot prepared a especially concerned that their works were was motivated above all by the patronage to landscape in his later work. The set- The second less well-known version ig.

Collectors do not seem to have in his luminous sky. In this crepuscular scene, Millet summer of The repetition of Sheepfold, deined his composition with a web of black suggests the warmth of evening by the use Moonlight Burrell Collection , for example, chalk lines, then worked in colored pastels of a line of orange on the horizon echoed sold for 12, francs, the second-highest sale in green, yellow, and brown, and then once by lecks of the same color across the earth.

Such a pro- A few rays of light break through the clouds, pastels of the same size. In the pointing toward the head of the sower. This was commissioned by of the nineteenth century. The century saw repetitions of his Sower pastel. By May , Gavet for francs, nearly twice as much the proliferation of imagery as a result of Millet had received a commission from the as he had received for his previous variant. Millet, The Shepherdess, Millet, Shepherdess version, with black crayon commingling ca. Pastel and Guarding Her Flock of support. Millet closely referenced the compo- Millet and Corot interacted with this new with a range of yellows, reds, greens, and crayon, Oil on sition of the Walters pastel, situating his market situation, although in rather difer- browns across the furrowed soil.

He even replicated his seem- duce prints, replicating their paintings, black crayon representing the crows are ingly spontaneous black crayon diagonal in order to disseminate their imagery to repeated in the falling seed.

Les sources iconographiques des portraits fictifs du père jésuite Jacques Marquette

This version is hatch marks in his treatment of the texture wider audiences. Millet produced many also far more extensively worked up, with of the soil. The light a lithograph ig.

Millet, The Sower, Pastel on pastel on cream buff Pitts- black crayon and paper, Norman Hirschl New York There lithographic stone ig. He also added inal work. In the painting, two girls emerge densely rendered his igure while leaving the two drops of pure acid to the etched plate in from the foliage at right, while, in the inverted area of sky to the left untouched in order to order to create strong highlights on the heads lithograph, a young man, with outstretched suggest a luminous distance.

Millet created of the woman and child. Millet himself might prestigious arts album Les artistes anciens et crayon also successfully suggested the fur- reproduce all his compositions in this way. As a novice to the medium His talent is too personal not to lose some- to a wide audience. Junctaeque nymphis Gratiae tonal diference. Etching, guage in order to translate the efects of his In , Millet published an Her Child, Pitts- burgh, Carnegie Museum etching ig.

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Gift of Andrew the same year ig. Original painting to the tiny etching, Millet used a lithographic stone, mediating preparatory drawing Museum canceled, As was his practice, he then of Prints and Drawings traced this onto his etching plate. An example of the former the state. Millet also repeated the theme of the butter- The wide range of repetitions produced by Dumesnil, Corot: Rapilly, churner over some three decades, culminating in an Millet and Corot navigated a course between , See Alfred Robaut, Corot Paris: There are also garde: For the extensive literature on the Sower, see in 5.

Sessanta New Haven and London: See also Griselda Pollock, Millet London: Rarely, if ever, did Absolute Bourgeois: Prince- they produce exact replicas of their own in Susan Siegfried and Adrian Rifkin, eds. Princeton University Press, , and Berkeley works. Although neither Millet nor Corot Ingres: Essays in the Historiography of a Nineteenth- and Los Angeles: University of California Press, , intended their works to be exhibited in Century Artist Oxford: Paris, —96 , 4: Parlers et traditions populaires s.

Millet may also have been inspired by the igure of 8. See, for example, The Gleaners. Jean-Baptiste- and light efects. The prominence of mod- of Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres — See founded in Cohn, and Agnes Mon- The Art of J-A. Speed Art Museum heights of Gruchy toward Cherbourg. Indiana University Press, Laget, , ig. National Gallery of Art, The work has been squared up, but the drawing Another drawing closely resembles the picture I am grateful to Ms.

Turnbull for her valuable tech- itself seems insuiciently detailed for actual use. La Presse, 15 March On the back of this drawing is a sketch for the In a letter to Millet of 29 January , Sensier The work is, however, signed in red at bottom Quarriers Toledo Museum of Art. This does not recorded the critical response to the work: Taxile Delort Pittsburgh canvas before relining.

The sequence of the Sower paintings, from the Art Association, 15 November —15 January , faites de la peinture trop socialiste? There Cardif to the Boston to the Yamanashi work, follows no. Another smaller ogy was thus presumably correct. This has been the This could have been the Griselda Pollock. Millet a-t-il would certainly be a triumph. Laurens, , 1: No underdrawing is visible in infrared relectog- been cut down at left and bottom.

This work has been See Millet to Sensier, February Aut. Thanks are due to not seem to stride with the same powerful momen- en art. Jean Woodward, conservator at the Museum of Fine tum. See Clark, The Absolute Bourgeois, 93— The painting was acquired by Sensier after the See in particular the restorations in and repos. The painting was sold by Sensier to the dealer Paul Durand-Ruel on 15 April jottings; the sense of energy in this igure probably which discoloring varnish was removed.

The facial expression is also rather diferent from Millet ils was an accomplished artist in his own Whitney Sale, Drouot, 28 February , no. Subsequently, he exhibited un emportement furieux. An x-radiograph has shown that Millet, as was lot In , Robert L. Museum of Fine Arts, ] considered the Granville] , show the sower in an expansive plain. Croquis au crayon noir. Croquis pour le tableau. See work on the picture subsequently.

He also referenced Drouot, 10—11 May See his noble work. He has left us several drawings which The paint surface in enable us, step by step, to follow the development of work was exhibited. We see how stated that the Yamanashi work was shown at the Aut. See, for the igure gradually gained in breadth and vigour, Salon. A repetition of Bathers of the Borromean Isles favorite operas. Such practice of removing compositional ele- pastels from Sensier for , francs.

Of these, the Williamstown, Mass. A repetition of Les Gaulois some early sketches. Walters Art Museum, for this suggestion. Corot was same moment. Louvre from his early days as a student. See Peter ture read as follows: University Press, , There are at least three later variants of the more Munich, Neue Pinakothek , which was itself based infrared relectograms by Bruno Mottin, Compte- panel for myself for fs—Asked if he could not put Several of these works was not added at a later stage.

In September , he told his brother, Theo, Musset, the French Romantic poet, had been an of George A. The lines , 2 vols. Princeton University Press, Estampes. The catalogue indicates that Corot showed I am so completely absorbed in that igure that I will from Le saule ran: Thanks to Eric Gordon, head of paintings conser- Gogh, 3 vols. Little, Brown, and Co. Corot, une des compositions les plus technical analysis of this painting has shown that the in Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum.

Que regardes-tu dans la plaine? Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 1 April , As has previ- la copie de tous mes ouvrages. Floury, , 3: For the fourth version, see Jean The time of day represented has been the subject Antoine-Louis Barye — all used tracings. The painting was known by Lorenz Eitner suggests that Corot may have used a space on the boulevard des Italiens.

Before Impressionism Washing- no. See Robaut, studio until his death. In a letter of 15 January , had heard from Corot himself. National Gallery of Art, , Corot probably represents the opera singer Pauline Wissman has pointed out to me, however, that the This suggests that tracing Delaporte 79 estate sale. Ruines did not, in fact, take place.

The work irst appeared on the art market at the Louis Art Museum. This large-scale pastel Gavet was a major collector of Italian Renaissance son cycle familier, elle se renouvelle sans cesse et no. If the Saint Louis work had not been painted art as well as contemporary painting. The signature or perhaps only the date? De Thomas is irst mentioned in a letter to Millet Paris: If the work were a diferent kinds of colored paper support.

Dieterle and Lebeau suggest that Corot painted preparatory study, one would expect the inclusion of They also suggest that the work was produce works of this scale as preparatory studies. On 13 February, Sensier commissioned by the dealer Tedesco or perhaps the Il voudrait de played a particularly central role among dealers in wholly autograph repetitions, as we have seen, often Collection and Men Digging Boston, Museum of Fine sujet des Glaneuses. Je lui ai dit que vous choisiriez For other late collaborative reductions, see the , no. Millet, however, seems to have put tion , prepared by Georges Rodrigues.

Mais Millet, on le sait, time, to have produced his irst Sower reduction—the of Gustave Courbet, who favored the extensive use of Dallas Museum of Art, for this information. According to Gerard de Wallens, Oudinot, an See Vente Corot, Paris, , La Solitude, Variante du his master. Les bet, Corot y los pintores de Barbizon, Museo Thyssen- the former also has pen-and-ink added.

Quel en est le prix, ain que je connaisse 7 April Millet did not exhibit his pastels at the Salon but Aut. Like Corot, Oudinot exhib- may have displayed them at the private arts club of the Sensier lui faire pour 1, francs de dessins. Petit de votre exposition rue de Choiseul. Il constate noted that he had sent two drawings to Moureaux: Vos dessins ont Le semeur and Deux jeunes illes see ibid.

This work was also commissioned by Cadart and seulement les mesures du dessin pour Mr. Je Moureaux had played a prominent role in the print Luquet. See Dieterle, Dieterle, and Lebeau, Corot: Dethomas, des Glaneuses ou un Semeur, je fais Aut. Walters through his agent George Lucas in July pour Mr. It is not mentioned, for example, in the catalogue for 10, francs. On 2 July , Lucas wrote, The paper has again discolored, although exami- perhaps responsible for a certain monotony in his of Art, ]. This building has been identiied as a telegraph that it was originally fairly dark.

The painting was apparently discovered in a house which color is introduced. Yale University Press, ], In producing the igure of the sower in this and collector Adolphe Mame had paid for an earlier This accompanied a catalogue of his prints by the 81 See 95 Dessins de J-F. Millet composant la collection fortes de M. One print after Millet appeared plate. The igure in this drawing has heavy, reworked copy annotated with prices, Los Angeles, J.

On 16 November , for example, Millet noted in this album, no. This is conirmed Museum. There is a related known tracings by the artist. For a valuable overview of the variety and impor- drawing in the National Gallery of Art, Washington. See Vente Millet, Paris, Yale Univer- pastels that Gavet acquired in mid-April Gavet est venu Le Berger et la Mer. The verses are from Ad Sextium, IV, book 1. The physique of the sower and particularly the Dimanche dernier. Dumoulin, , Paris, , to the Boston version, as is the treatment of the straw Since he knew Moureaux well, he could quite line to the right also meets the seed bag in the same Such exhibitions served to highlight On 16 January , the collector and newspaper Pissarro, for example, visited the the print was due to appear: Robaut, Camille Corot repr.

The initials CF or phy. Frick on FC , however, are unexplained. To be or completely surround a given space to As if it lacked any interest, however, they pro- reproductions, stopped short of providing fair, Pissarro was rather exaggerating the create a mood. While the presentation of vided no account of how or why they deter- a special exhibition-by-exhibition section repetition involved, since the ifteen Wheat- the related works as an exhibition ensemble mined which works to star.

Unfortunately, the enor- of his home at Eragny, not far upstream on information about them. The disinclination famous series exhibitions. But no installation mous diiculties and costs of arranging for the River Epte from where Monet lived at to study series art seemingly has to do with photographs had ever been taken to show the loans or even reproduction rights continues Giverny.

No one had ever made, or to study the history of series art in concrete Lucien on 26 December. State-sponsored museum bothered to keep, any installation diagrams. Seldom if ever illustrated in surveys are so varied that everything is completely acquisitions of unique works in conjunction Although M. Durand-Ruel could show me or even in monographs, the ensembles com- transformed, and then the compositions and with large state-sponsored group exhibitions some of the wine-red fabric that had served prising the complex events in the evolution angles are so diferent.

What conversion to painting variations hardly opment of contemporary art in the s archives lacked an architectural ground plan is needed to grasp the foundational issues comes as a surprise considering how series and s. But already during these same of the exhibition space, with which it might of modern series art in the second half of fever swept through the French art world years an international commercial gallery have been possible to speculate generally the nineteenth century is a fully illustrated of the s.

An introductory compilation in out- based on variations, going back to their stu- would not have been possible without the tions were brief catalogues with checklists line more than in depth of some of the key dent days in the late s. It is worth considering how the dreds of illustrations. While I understand the Wheatstacks exhibition in May Stack of Wheat Opposite: Museum of 93 cm. The Art Institute on beige paper, Stack of Wheat, Fig.

Stack of Wheat Chicago, Restricted gift