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Episode aus dem Kriege in einem Aufzug, Warendorf: Manz, ; Peter Saget, Der Franktireur: Trauerspiel in 1 Akt, Recklinghausen: Some German intellectuals tried at the time to legitimize this obsession with academic arguments. As early as the Belgian sociologist Fernand van Langenhove published a study, based on German sources, testimonial evidence of soldiers, newspaper coverage, and official documents, of the origin, logic, and dynamics of these rumours. He showed how they had arisen from military letters sent by ordinary German soldiers and from accounts given by wounded soldiers.

Taken up by the newspapers and revised in their accounts, the rumours contributed widely to the shaping of German public opinion. Soldiers, in this situation, had repeated as truth the stories they had heard. And these rumours, Marc Bloch explained, in turn prompted German soldiers to exercise extreme violence and brutality against Belgian civilians.

Payot, ; translated into German as: Fernand van Langenhove, Wie Legenden entstehen! In the meantime, the northern line of the German army invaded the town of Leuven killing two hundred citizens and destroying a large part of the historical city centre.

During this attack the library of Leuven was burned down. Within a period of only a few weeks German soldiers killed more than six thousand Belgian civilians. It was two German-Jewish officials who accused Bloch of insults, and he was imprisoned in May The Martyrdom of Belgium: Stewart Brown, , Toynbee, The German Terror in Belgium.

An Historical Record, London: Near the church of St. Station Square Pierre Figg. Selected photographs document the destruction of Belgian villages and towns by unknown photographers. Published by Arnold J. Toynbee in his The German Terror in Belgium. An Historical Record, London, Some of these photographs are presented above. Because Toynbee was once a famous personality with international reputation a brief excursus should be inserted here.

Toynbee The British historian Arnold J. Toynbee, who would become renowned as a world historian owing to his twelve volume A Study of History, published from to ,51 an indisputable precursor of global history,52 was in spring employed as a tutor in Oxford following his university education in Oxford and Athens in ancient history. At this momentous time, he found himself compelled to engage in current problems and global politics.

Among his publications were comprehensive documentations of the Armenian genocide and of German warfare in Poland. Toynbee, A Study of History, voll. Oxford University Press York, Toynbee, Nationality and the War, London-Toronto: Toynbee, The Destruction of Poland.

A Study in German Efficiency, London: How, that is, did German Jews perceive this violence against Belgian civilians and this new quality of war, which was now directed against the civilian population? And how did the German-Jewish public sphere, as well as Jewish intellectuals in Germany, become aware of the violation of Belgian neutrality and German atrocities there?

Toynbee, The Belgian Deportations London: Toynbee, Le terrorisme allemand en Belgique London: Later on, in a dialogue with his son, Toynbee explained that he was glad to have gotten rid of these services: A Dialogue across a Generation London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, , His report conveyed in mundane terms his sense of a successful campaign: Levy kept a diary of his wartime deployment.

On the next day he left his town by railroad, crossed the Rhine on August 4th, and by midday he entered Belgium together with his company. Already on this very first day in Belgium he made note of an attack by Franc- tireurs, which left five soldiers dead and fifteen wounded. On August 7th, his troop moved to Liege, where he examined the coffins at the cemetery for hidden weapons. Soberly, Levy wrote of burning houses, fleeing citizens, and many dead Belgians. On August 25th, he marched into France.

Neuer Verlag, , For general information about fallen German Jewish soldiers in Belgium, see: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, , Theilhaber, a Zionist physician and author of several social-science studies on Judaism. The Belgian people were quite haughty, he wrote, adding reproachfully that - in their own minds - they were envisioning the Belgian army returning to their own capital.

Hate and emotion had suppressed every conversation. Nevertheless, while buying some cigars, Theilhaber reports of a remarkable encounter he had with a Belgian-Jewish shopkeeper: Germany will destroy us. And all for what? He concluded his memory of that encounter with the words: Entering the destroyed city of Leuven some days later, Theilhaber noted simply that the spooky collapsing ruins had made little impression on him. Arriving at the station of Liege he noticed German soldiers with machine-guns, but he remarked that the town is by and large quiet.

In his report he then wrote about how he attended, together with several German-Jewish soldiers, the service in the Brussels main synagogue during a religious holiday. With approval he noted that the Jewish community of Brussels had offered seats in the front rows to the German Jews. Explicitly the German rabbi Italiener emphasized that he was extremely impressed by the well- known melodies: Theilhaber, Schlichte Kriegserlebnisse Berlin: For biographical information on Italiener; see ibid.

The most heart-rending moment, Italiener wrote, came immediately after the prayer for the Belgian king, when the organ softly played the Belgian national anthem. There is no House of God in Belgium where sorrow for the poor country is felt more deeply. In conclusion, he maintained rather that Belgium had many reasons to criticize itself.

Peter Grupp, Maria Keipert, voll. His father Philipp Norden was, however, mentioned as one of the Jewish entrepreneurs in Leipzig: It is not documented when Fritz Norden converted. The German Jew Alice Fabian, for example, working for the German central purchasing company in Brussels, wrote soberly in a letter from November 6th, , that the Belgians are extremely anti-German, so that one should be wary of them.

Material Information

He described his march through Belgium as a summer trip, during which he experienced a grand display of pyrotechnics, and before entering Liege he told of different kinds of amusements, for instance, with firecrackers. Sabine Hank, Hermann Simon Teetz: In the very next issue, the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums assured its readers that its suspicions about the great suffering of German Jews fleeing Belgium were confirmed. The Germania, too, had picked up the rumours about the behaviour of Belgian Franc-tireurs, reporting that they had committed unspeakable cruelties against infants and old people alike.

In the same issue, the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums informed its readers that German soldiers had entered Brussels. The soldiers, Geiger emphasized, were not to blame but rather the citizens who had fired with nefarious blindness at the German soldiers. The weekly war report of this issue made overt use of the term Franctireur, again accusing Belgian civilians of having taken part in the fighting, and the report in Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums 81 Ibid. October 16 , The reflections of the Orthodox newspaper Jeschurun were different. In October , the rabbi and journal editor Joseph Wohlgemuth wrote in a lead article that at a historical moment in which the vital interests of its people are in danger every nation will violate international law.

Another German Jewish journal, the Israelitische Familienblatt from Hamburg even used biblical arguments to try and legitimize the violation of the Belgian neutrality, citing an episode from the Book of Moses. Therefore, the Israelitische Familienblatt wrote, Germany has the right to make its way through Belgium according to the spirit of the Bible.

Even the journal Ost und West in the summer of added its voice to the chorus of enthusiasm for the war. Madleen Podewski, Komplexe Medienordnungen. Studienverlag , The relationship of the journal to the A. Ost und West, January Most surprising for its authors was the hatred toward Germany in the neutral countries and those countries that were like Germany.

Here, the article proclaimed, the hatred appears masked but is nonetheless present, and hence the German-Jewish journalists decidedly condemned the Franc-tireurs. Furthermore this article from the journal Ost und West drew an analogy between the hatred directed toward Germany and hatred directed toward the Jews. Philippson was very familiar with public opinion in Belgium, thanks to his own longstanding activities at the University of Brussels. In , however, he returned to Germany for reasons that remain unclear, but the move was conceivably motivated by anti-German attitudes among Belgian students.

Other voices speak of a democratic opposition on the part of students against authoritarian attitudes among the professoriate. Whatever his reasons, Martin Philippson must have been very aware of Belgian attitudes and that the violation of Belgian neutrality by German troops would trigger broad resistance within Belgian society.

Campus-Verlag, , ; He also attacked the dreadful atrocities and murderous deeds that the Belgians now ostensibly carried out. Responding to the rumours about the Franc-tireurs, Philippson in a bizarre twist condemned the malicious attacks by civilians. In The Beast Zweig tells the story of the brutal and sadistic murder of three innocent German soldiers committed by a Belgian peasant.

Shortly thereafter, the three German soldiers arrived, asking for quartering. The peasant offered them accommodation and gave them alcohol to drink. After having gotten them drunk he murdered them in bestial fashion. Gerhard Kraiker, Dirk Grathoff, Oldenburg: BIS, , De Gruyter, , Zu 50 Steinzeichnungen von Hermann Struck, 2 ed. Welt-Verlag, , Even Martin Buber succumbed to German war mania and internalized the rumours. Van Eeden's open letter, Buber now countered, consisted of partial truths only, and he again defended the German terror in Belgium: Lambert und Schneider, , De Amsterdammer Weekblad voor Nederland, September 6th, Eine kritische Sichtung nach hundert Jahren, eds.

Finally, he impressively described in retrospect the fundamental break brought about by the First World War, for both general European history and European Jewish history. Verhaeren was an intimate friend, whose poems Zweig had translated into German and whom he had portrayed sensitively in the German journal Das literarische Echo in Fischer, , Some days later Zweig must have read in Austrian newspapers about the legends of the Franc-tireurs, and he confessed in his diary to be shocked by the news from Belgium.

There he publicly broke with his Belgian friends. Fischer , Verhaeren has published a poem that is nearly the most stupid and infamous thing that can be thought. In September he travelled as war correspondent through Belgium and the following year published his diary "Travel through the Belgian war. Bloch went into exile in Switzerland during the conflict, publishing from there sharp critiques in the Bern newspaper Freie Zeitung.

Eine politische Biographie, Berlin-Wien: Politische Schriften , ed. For the newspaper Freie Zeitung, see the introduction of the editor, The rumours of the Belgian Franc-tireurs had reached Klemperer, too, and the same day he wrote in his diary: And would one not, he continued, declare those actions as natural and brave that in the case of Belgium are seen as a symptom of lust for murder? In the entry of the same day Klemperer denounced Ibid. Jugend um , 2.

Aufbau Verlag, , In winter , he was inducted into the army where he served first at the Western front and later as a censor at the Eastern front. For this kind of cruelty there is still no paragraph in international law, he noted with resignation, but the international law in this case would in any event have been eluded.

He also condemned the military forces for their cruel handling of Belgian civilians. In a letter from February , he wrote: In Bernstein published the book The Mission of the Jews in the World War, in which he called attention to the contradictory arguments in the pro-German attitudes of Russian Jewish delegates at a recent conference of socialists from neutral countries.

Conclusion In conclusion, it is worth noting that none of the evidence suggests that the German atrocities in Belgium were directed in any way against Jews or that the Ibid. Beck, ; Francis L. Carsten, Eduard Bernstein — Beck, ; Robert S. Dietz , Grau, Kurt Eisner, On the contrary, there is a document telling of a German soldier who saved a Belgian citizen because the person was Jewish.

They did not criticize the German occupation of Belgium or the violation of the neutrality of this small country. They did not discern the new quality of warfare as a war against the civilian population, which it became during the German fighting in Belgium. The war, in this way, had rather created in its very first moment a complicated or peculiar kind of Christian-Jewish cohabitation in Germany. Even if this social coexistence ultimately broke down over the course of the war, it was so strong at the beginning that German patriotism even superseded the well-known intra-Jewish conflicts between liberal, orthodox, and Zionist Jews in Germany.

They all shared, at the moment of the declaration of war, the same German patriotic attitude and the same belligerent dispositions. The German Army in Belgium, Hank, Simon, Hank, Even friends like Albert Ballin and Theodor Wolff disagreed with respect to German policy towards Belgium as Wolff noted in his diaries. In contrast, Wolff, as editor of the most important liberal newspaper in Germany at the time, the Berliner Tageblatt, expressed serious reservations about this policy.

Despite these exceptions and these individual atonements, the Great War in one sense unified German Jewry in the way it evoked an ambivalent unity of the previously contested German Jewish public sphere. On the other hand, the war seemed to have destroyed the former transnational bond that linked European Jewry and the intellectual exchange of Jews in Europe.

Whereas Martin chose to support Germany after his stay in Belgium, taking part in German patriotism and promoting the militaristic line, his brother Franz, who had moved to Belgium just before Martin, remained strongly integrated into Belgian society as well as the Belgian Jewish establishment before He was a member of the Consistoire Israelite de Belgique and temporarily president of the Jewish community.

He then lost his youngest son in the war, who died as a Belgian soldier in Bold, , His situation was exacerbated by the fact that he was conscripted to serve as a foot soldier near the Belgian border. As the German military rabbi serving in Rethel wrote to the association of German Jews, Wagner chose to defect when the opportunity arose.

Innerjüdische Kritik des politischen Zionismus: Inhalte und Hintergründe (German Edition)

Only in some fleeting moments of some contemporary witnesses, such as the episode of Felix Theilhaber in the cigar shop or the participation of the rabbi Bruno Italiener in the ceremony of the Synagogue in Brussels, can one still see some remnants of these former experiences.

Paradoxically, and in contrast to the research of Fernand van Langenhove, only one of the contemporary witnesses who served as a German soldier in Belgium, Kurt Levy, mentioned the rumours of the Belgian Franc-tireurs. In contrast to those German Jews present in Belgium at the time of the invasion, the Jewish press in Germany not only circulated the rumours of the Belgian th th To the immigration of German Jews to Belgium in the 18 and 19 century see: Migration und ihre Folgen.

Some of the journals even legitimized the occupation of the country. They avoided, however, dealing with the terror of the German army against Belgian civilians. It is only among Jewish as well as non-Jewish intellectuals in Germany that one can observe some early cases of extreme personal disturbance and intellectual bewilderment at this early point in the war.

In contrast to those German-Jewish defenders of the German occupation, only a small number acknowledged or criticized the German occupation policy. Together with German-Jewish socialists, only some of the intellectuals, like Ernst Bloch or Viktor Klemperer, were able to acknowledge the German military actions as war crimes. Needless to say, it was impossible to criticize the German army publicly because of censorship during the war.

The majority of German Jews in — like other Germans, including most liberals and many socialists — were deluded by their own German patriotism. Oldenbourg, , ; Anne Lipp, Meinungslenkung im Krieg. In this context, old anti-Semitic stereotypes prejudices were reactivated while new ones emerged. Jews, in general, came to be treated as internal enemies, earning huge profits from the war at the expense of Christian Hungarian society that was being ruined.

This paper analyzes three stages of growing anti-Semitic agitation in Hungarian society during the war: The thesis is that Hungarian anti-Semitism was far from being a spontaneous outburst of popular feelings. It was fairly well organized and coordinated, mainly by ecclesiastical circles. Before the First World War Hungarian political culture, as well as the attitudes of the population, were dominated by liberal classes who steadfastly opposed anti-Semitism.

The anti-Jewish campaign launched by some Hungarian students at the University of Budapest in was also an alarming development yet none could truly challenge the attitude of the institutions. In politics and public services anti-Semitism did not play a significant role at the time: Franklin, , This study aims to cast light on a rather neglected field, the history of the home front in Hungary during World War I.

Hitler über Rothschilds Banken & Zionismus Die wahren Herrscher der Welt

Much the same process took place in Imperial Germany and Austria, though perhaps less dramatically than in Hungary. In Hungary inflation was higher than in almost any other belligerent country, with the result that the fall of real wages hit the middle classes harder than anywhere else. Thus the degradation of this middle class was more conspicuous, the complaints and despair more embittered than even in Germany or Austria — not to speak of the Entente powers.

The second half of became a turning point in every sense: It is a commonplace that the Great War was fought under the slogan of national unity. In Hungary this process accelerated in , at which point one can observe three main tendencies. By — many old stereotypes against the more or less assimilated Hungarian Jewry had ossified, while a number of new charges were brought forward against them.

In no other belligerent country did Jews play such a prominent role in running the war economy as in Hungary. This situation reinforced not only the old anti-Semitic motifs; rather, anti-Semites created new stereotypes linked to these new roles. Old motifs of Jews as worthless soldiers — even shirkers—, usurers and profiteers, disseminators of immoral ideas and an alien mass-culture had been renewed.

Old accusations — like that of the Galician influx or the Jewish over-representation in the educational system — were revived, and new ones — the occupation of Hungarian land and grabbing of political power — were born. Jews in general began to be treated as internal enemies, accused of making huge profits out of the war, while Christian Hungarian society was falling into ruin and going bankrupt.

For an ever greater number of anti-Semitic authors the World War merely completed the process by which a triumphant Jewry came to usurp the place of the declining Hungarian middle class. Thus, during the war years, the problem of the middle classes and that of the Jews became increasingly intertwined. Princeton University Press, Rauchensteiner, Der Erste Weltkrieg, ; Magyar Nagylexikon, , — Central European University Press, Such attacks can be taken for a coded and hidden form of anti-Semitism, and were well understood as such by contemporaries.

But the prologue to the first act was represented by the scandals related to army contractors in accused of selling paper-sole boots and poor clothing to the army , which provided the opportunity for an attack against the Jews. The usual argument was to contrast brave soldiers with harmful shirkers or honest farmers and petty traders with swindler army contractors. The aforementioned scandals were largely forgotten with the new strains of the war, though they could easily be brought to the surface of public memory.

A more constant and more dangerous enemy was found by rightist circles in and out of Parliament: This issue had a role in most of the parliamentary debates taking place in , under the guise of bills on new taxes or new financial institutions, and these discussions were intertwined with all possible themes of the World War. He simply stated that he came to the following conclusion: A longer line of attacks was linked to the rejection of the law on a new Banking Center, proposed by the government.

This stress on the existence of two antagonistic middle classes — in connection with the question of banks — was too much even for Tisza. But Tisza also said that he understood the indignant reactions in the House over the tone of the debates on banks. He was the most bellicose and threatening in the debate, saying: By this was a widespread, even commonplace view, both on the political left and political right. To be sure, some MPs warned of too much bias against trade or the banks in general, also warning against the renewal of heated political antagonisms.

New Academic Press, , Oldenbourg, , These discussions continued in the press. Adolf Ullmann in the Upper House: His intentions, however, do not look so benevolent in hindsight: Osiris, , 89; with the reflections and literature cited there. Of course, non-Jews also try to evade it, but these have fewer means to achieve their aims. Furthermore he declared that Jews are false democrats and false patriots. Despite the rather moderate tone of the views expressed in his book — far more moderate than in his diaries —, its publication caused an uproar in Jewish circles, all the more so as he proved to be ignorant of many aspects of Jewish life.

But his main sin was that he stirred up the backwater — or rather that he touched very delicate nerves exactly 47 Ibid. They put three questions to nearly prominent personalities: What are the causes of the Jewish question? What is the solution to the Jewish question? The result of the inquiry proved rather distressing to liberal Jewry: Studienverlag, , Gondolat, , ; For this survey see also: Eine interpretierende Geschichte des langen Not surprisingly some but not all of those authorities who admitted the existence of the problem attributed its intensity to the effects of the war.

These ought to be wiped out, just as we wipe out every sort of infection. Metropol, , On the other hand — and more importantly — he was driven by the notorious self-hatred Selbsthass of the converted Jew working inside him. This is not so surprising for a scholarly periodical which dealt with several other issues of public life as well. Some discussants recommended that representatives of Jews and anti-Semites be seated at the same table to negotiate their problems, and even expected positive results.

There is another interesting evidence which seems to support my view. This assault arose in connection with the war contractors: Manfred Hettling, Michael G. We must remember that Krisenjahr [Crisis Year] was also the year of the collapse of the Burgfrieden in Germany. Anti-Semitism in Germany made its first creeping breakthrough in the terrible home-front crisis of the central years of the Great War.

Jüdische Rundschau (Berlin)

By and large, the committee succeeded in demonstrating that some large enterprises had made enormous profits out of the war, but it proved helpless concerning practical measures. Hugh Cecil, Peter Liddle, London: Cooper, , Feldman, The Great Disorder: Oxford University Press, , The Problematic Symbiosis, ed. Winter, , The mighty General Ludendorff was probably pleased to hear the proposal, but the Social-Democrats rejected it.

Their leader, Friedrich Ebert, warned not to ask for the religious affiliation of people just like the Hungarian Tisza before him , because this question establishes a tendency that must be avoided. These debates are largely unknown up to now. Mohr-Siebeck, , Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, , He buys a few landed estates every day! Many feel this now, more than before. Bankers should remain at their banks! German banks lease considerable parts of our country! It ought to have been requisitioned.

After the war he will buy up the whole country! The rule of the great banks and the war centrals was identified with Jewish or occasionally with German capital. These alien powers supported an un-Christian liberal-materialistic culture, thereby endangering Hungarian values. There was but one new theme in this chain of accusations: We have seen how the management of the war was intertwined with what was purported to be chiefly Jewish big capital. The Tisza-government had three members of Jewish origins from as well as some Jewish under-secretaries.

Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung

In a rather paradoxical way the Hungarian Parliament even grew in importance during the war years, since practically all other forms of political action e. Under conditions of press censorship, the reports of parliamentary debates could go unhindered and frequently received extensive coverage in the newspapers. These reports were hardly diminished by the war despite serious paper shortages: Fed up with war-news, the public turned their interest to reports on parliamentary debates — mentioning each speaker by name and their main arguments.

Of course, MPs were well aware of this opportunity and willingly cultivated such public relations. The Catholic weekly and monthly magazines were very consistent and perseverant: Bangha, himself a radical — though non-racist — anti-Semite, proved to be an apt and influential organizer of militant-Catholic forces. His main enemies were the freemasons and the radicals: In his "The hyenas of the nation and the progressives" one finds the following statement: The sixty-year-old bishop seemed to become an unquestionable authority: Both had but one theme — the Jews —, both represented a gutter-type anti-Semitism.

They fitted well into the apocalyptic atmosphere of the last war-year, to be discussed later, where they will also receive treatment as part of the vanguard of the Catholic offensive of Krieg und christliche Kultur in Ungarn, Paderborn: He began at the same time to use liberalism and radicalism in quotation marks as pejorative terms. It was time to declare this unyieldingly and invincibly. The main directions were similar to those in party politics: Nevertheless it is also revealing that all of them seem to have sold well, even with more or less identical contents and style, even at a time of a growing paper shortage, though they managed amidst the general paper-misery to obtain paper of fairly good quality.

Nevertheless they shared certain stereotypes: Jews were fraudsters, owners of hidden stocks, or simply parasites. While intellectuals and the middle classes read the latter, simple people had the satirical journals — in this respect there certainly was a division of labor concerning the dissemination of anti-Semitic narratives. For the agitation against Budapest as a Jewish capital, see, for example: January 31 , ; July 2 ; February th nd 14 ; February 2 , — and from this time on a regular basis.

The greatest achievements of his life are linked to the struggle against the Jewish press and the creation of a Catholic one. Bangha launched the offensive with several articles in , emphasizing that the creation of effective press is a question of life and death for the future of the whole clerical movement.

A good recent article on the Hungarian press at the turn of the century: Now, when Christianity is in danger, we rescue it with a Christian press loan! The small paper, which represented the rudest gutter anti-Semitism, was clearly dissatisfied with the leadership of prelates, aristocrats, and leading intellectuals, and announced the foundation of a more democratic Christian Socialist Press Company.

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Among the 17 founding members there were mainly civil servants, office-messengers, artisans, and workers. He had found time to visit the country. This demanded universal suffrage, the protection of workers, the reform of landed property, and the regulation of the conditions of civil servants.

Last but not least, for the first time, the program did not call for the withdrawal of the laws on ecclesiastical policy of — It ended with a significant statement: No wonder that the Social Democratic Party vehemently attacked the new party and its program. Government and Politics —, eds. Atlantic Research Publications, , — Some of these associations had their own bulletins, etc.

While our heroes fight gloriously on the front, at home we can see frightening pictures of the decay in war morale, which can be attributed to the harmful influence of alien elements. The author was an important victim of the Hungarian white terror in Pallas, , ; These machinations spoil the soul of our future generation. He ran as a candidate for parliament at the age of only 24, and was elected four years later, in The number of his speeches, delivered at mass meetings at every part of the country makes tens of thousands [!

An indefatigable organizer, a talent in organization, his election proved to be a great gain to his party. The fact that it belonged to a well-established series was one reason for its popularity; its short length and simplistic arguments were another. Finally, mention must be made of yet another new feature: The [Jewish] race is simply disagreeable.

From the tone of the letter it is obvious that the two priests had hardly any contact before this letter. Gondolat, , Multiplex Media, , But he also had to feel what Bangha confirmed in his letter: Or a blood libel if you wish. P, Apostle and Teacher of Hungary], eds. Kozmuvelodesi Egyesulet, , How interesting it would be to know these well-known reasons! Even the influx of Jewish refugees from Galicia fitted into the old pattern of an allegedly continuous Jewish immigration.

Let us add that this new — often racially connoted — anti-Semitism was, of course, far from being a spontaneous outburst of popular feelings. It was well-organized and coordinated, mainly by ecclesiastical circles. A fair number of politicians joined them, sometimes out of conviction, sometimes for tactical reasons. While these changes took place within a short period of time, the bitter experiences of the middle classes — mainly those of civil servants at this point — were unavoidably built into old structures and explained by old enmities. The final split between a Christian-Hungarian and a Hungarian-Jewish middle class was brought about by the effects of the world war; mentalities and hostilities became ossified during the war years.

Civil servants increasingly felt betrayed by the all-embracing state they served, exploited by more powerful groups, deceived in their patriotic loyalty. For an ever larger part of the public, this whole process looked like one part of the middle class being intentionally driven out for the sake and benefit of another part — a process that started long before the war and that accelerated between and By anti-Semitism became a cultural code in Hungary, too; all important issues came to be seen through this lens as related to the Jewish question.

Among the most important factors I attribute the main role to the Christian Churches and chiefly the Catholic Church. The Church authorities were, in many ways, continuing the pre-war policies. It is quite remarkable how Catholic and Protestant circles as well as Catholic and Independent political camps drew ever closer during the war, on the basis of anti-capitalism, anti-liberalism and anti-Semitism, while the question of national minorities was temporarily pushed into the background.

Thus the First World War brought about new splits and divisions in Hungarian society, exacerbating several of the existing antagonisms so that they became sharper than ever before. He is Secondary-school teacher in Budapest. To begin with, although several war memorials are known to have been preserved, the scope of Jewish casualties remains unknown, having been a controversial theme within the former Yugoslav framework. However, recent research has reconstructed the patriotic and social care activities of Jewish societies for the period of —; this research additionally charts the life paths of various notable individuals, both Zionist and assimilationist.

Furthermore, although various sources attest to an increase in the negative perception of Jews as a result of the war, which in turn contributed to the mass looting of —, one can reach no simple conclusions about the character of this changed perception. Similarly, although Zionist representatives publicly vested great hopes in the emancipatory potential of the new Yugoslav state, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had for all intents and purposes shown itself to be not so deficient after all.

However, there are several recent books that show that the situation has slowly begun to change, and these books touch on Jewish history during the First World War in their chapters. As a result, loyalist political options remained unresearched or one-sidedly presented. Moreover, despite the fact that — willingly or not — the majority of the male populations of Croatia-Slavonia, Dalmatia, Istria, and Bosnia—Herzegovina fought within the Habsburg armed forces, one cannot find The authors would like to express their gratitude to Jeffrey Grossman, University of Virginia, for the linguistic revision of the article.

Novi Liber, , 25— D-graf, , — For further bibliography on the history of the Croatian Jews see also Lj. Hrvatski institut za povijest, , 51—70 and Lj. Agencija za odgoj i obrazovanje, , However, since the Austro-Hungarian Empire disintegrated after the war, those losses were never definitively tallied. Hrvatska knjiga, and S. Beginning with the First World War, the majority of the fallen on the territory of Croatia and Slavonia, in general, received no memorials, and lists of the dead were not collected adequately. The same applies to the losses among the Jewish population as well as to their remembrance.

In the Kingdoms of Croatia and Slavonia the Jews were allowed permanent residence in , gaining legal equality in However, to this day, we must depend on highly fragmented data instead of detailed casualty lists. Unlike the situation for Jewish soldiers who had fought in the Serbian Army, there has been neither any systematic research of the individual wartime fate of Croatian— Slavonian Jews13 nor the erection for them of a general public memorial.

Spomenica poginulih i umrlih srpskih Jevreja u Balkanskom i Svetskom ratu — Beograd: Odbor za podizanje spomenika palim jevrejskim ratnicima, Symptomatically, the introduction of a numerus clausus for the Jewish students at Yugoslav universities reflected the division between the two opposing groups of former — combatants of Jewish affiliation, that is, those fighting on the side of Austria-Hungary, and those on the side of Serbia, since the numerus clausus was supposed not to affect the children of First World War veterans who served in the Serbian Army.

In the lands of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, between , and , Jewish soldiers were mobilized between and , 25, of whom were officers — a significant statistical disproportion resulting from the higher level of education, on average, among the Jewish soldiers. The largest groups of Austrian Jews lived in Galicia Rozenblit, Reconstructing a National Identity: History, Culture, Psychology, Detroit: Oxford University Press, , — They also played a very important role in the production of war materials.

In fact, some individuals made their fortunes during the war and were rewarded by the rulers with aristocratic titles and honours. Of course, the civilian population did not fare much better — for instance, the official count of displaced Jews in Cisleithania alone reached a total of Their people had to participate in the war nonetheless. In the beginning, most of the Jews, like most other citizens of the Monarchy, were shocked by the events in Sarajevo.

Jewish municipalities from Croatia and Slavonia played prominent roles in various manifestations related to that destructive event. The two largest Jewish municipalities — those of Zagreb and Osijek — held funereal meetings and organized commemorations for the late Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sofia on the day following the assassination. Telegrams of condolences were sent to Croatian-Slavonian Ban Ivan Skerlecz, and a solemn funereal mass was held in synagogues, during which the heads of various municipalities gave moving speeches of remembrance for the late Crown Prince.

Besides the Jews of the municipalities, the district leaders as well as prominent individuals from the Zagreb and Osijek communities were present at the memorial services. Both 19 Patai, The Jews of Hungary, After Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary, some units of the 36th Division were dispatched to that front; these were followed by the rest of the division and by the core of the 42nd Division, but only in , after the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Later, however, the fallen were buried near their place of death so that even their families did not know the locations of their gravesites.

Numerous Jews from Croatia and Slavonia distinguished themselves during military operations and were decorated multiple times for their outstanding bravery and devotion to the homeland. On the other hand, socio-political life in the Jewish municipalities came to an almost complete halt at the outset of the war, a situation that lasted until Numerous Jewish sports, Zionist, and cultural societies ceased their activities.

Obituary for Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria. However, the Ban could, in agreement with the military command and with the recommendation of the county and city authorities, allow individual societies to continue their activities. The members of those Jewish societies that had ceased to operate found other ways to participate in humanitarian work, mostly through the charitable societies, so that Jewish women were engaged in various volunteer associations or Red Cross subsidiaries where they collected food, clothing, various supplies, funds for wartime relief, and even sent packages to the front.

The wives of distinguished Jews often worked as nurses or caregivers in hospitals, where they gave solace to the wounded and dying.

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The leaders of Jewish municipalities, who had not been mobilized for the war, played a prominent role in these efforts as did their wives and daughters. As noted above, humanitarian activists continued their work, with the presidents of Jewish municipalities trying in various ways to assist the wounded as well as those who had lost a family member or were left suddenly impoverished.

The Care Centre for the Poor of the Jewish Municipality was active in Zagreb from the beginning of the war, where one department was set about collecting gifts and donations for wartime relief. Monetary aid was offered by Jews from the entire territory of Croatia and Slavonia, not just Zagreb. Jewish owned companies also participated in the collecting of relief funds and offered a considerable sum of aid money.

The Centre used the funds collected to provide weekly food supplies to the families of mobilized soldiers. It also covered the expenses of treating wounded soldiers, acquiring bandages, medicines, and of lighting and heating the hospitals. In addition, the Centre secured the supplying of Jewish soldiers with ritually prepared food on holidays.

The Jewish Municipality of Zagreb played an especially prominent role in providing aid to its members. Its leaders arranged for all mobilized Zagrebian Jews, as well as those Jews from other municipalities who were stationed in Zagreb, to be present at the celebration of all major Jewish holidays. Founded in , it was named after King Charles. As many as 18 foundations were registered with the Zagreb municipality in late , most of them founded by its prominent members. The Committee was established in , with the aim of helping to provide for the families of mobilized soldiers who were left without a source of income after the death of their breadwinners.

In order to coordinate the activities of the foundations and various initiatives, the Zagreb Jewish municipality organized a Board of Trustees for the Poor and a War Relief Station. The school of the Jewish Municipality of Zagreb started producing sandbags in to be sent to the front. The municipality also collected funds for helping the Jews of Galicia and Bukovina, who were left impoverished because of military operations there. The Jewish municipalities in Osijek were in a similar position, since their members participated in the activities of the Red Cross, the Society for Supporting the War Disabled of Osijek and Virovitica, and the like.

During the war, it founded a central depot for various types of goods that were then sent to Jewish soldiers on the front and in hospitals, while special attention was given to Jewish refugee families throughout the Monarchy. The Society took part in various actions together with other Zagrebian societies, collecting monetary contributions and various materials bandages, sheets, cigarettes, and food for all wounded soldiers regardless of religious affiliation. Colony members also organized settlements for underfed children. By , the Israeli Colony had founded several subsidiaries in Bjelovar and Koprivnica.

The chevra kadishah societies played an especially prominent role in charitable activities. Their goals included the visiting and care of the sick, conducting religious ceremonies for dying or dead Jews, funerals, and the administration and maintenance of Jewish cemeteries. Thus, the chevra kadishah of Zagreb helped organize care for the wounded in the nursing home of the Jewish Municipality and paid for a doctor to treat every poor Jew.

In addition, already by summer , it had organized for separate burial plots to be set aside in the Mirogoj Cemetery for the Jews who had died in the war. Besides participating in the activities of charitable societies of their own faith, Jewish citizens also worked with other non-religious voluntary associations and committees, sometimes even serving as the presidents of such organizations.

In Osijek, which was initially relatively near the front line, Jewish women took part in the activities of the Red Cross and the Society for Assisting the War- Disabled. Whereas social activities had for the most part died down, religious ceremonies and holidays continued to be observed, especially Rosh Hashanah, Chanukah, and Yom Kippur. As a consequence of the war, there was an influx of refugees into the Jewish Municipality of Zagreb from Bosnia, Rijeka, Trieste, and other areas affected by the war.

Hand in hand with the general process of liberalisation in and the political, social, and cultural life in the Jewish municipalities experienced a gradual rekindling. Elections were organized in the Croatian-Slavonian Jewish municipalities, and in early the municipalities slowly started returning to their usual activities. In order to represent in all its complexity the Jewish legacy in Croatia and Slavonia as a part of Austria-Hungary, an additional look on the individual level is also needed.

As opposed to the aforementioned activists, the common denominator of the following people is that they participated in some sort of activity related to the war effort. Some of them had become irreligious, converted to Catholicism, or otherwise assimilated, but they all shared at least an element of Jewish identity. For instance, Osijek-born lawyer Josip alias Josef Frank — was a founder of the Pure Party of Rights whose adherents became known as frankovci [the Frankists]. Leaving Austria-Hungary in , he became a vice-president of the Yugoslav Committee, thus taking part in the creation of the new Yugoslav state, an experience he would describe in his memoirs.

Born in Zagreb, his career was strictly connected to the Croatian- Slavonian judiciary. During the war he was the chief public prosecutor of the Kingdoms. In late or early he addressed an elaborate communication to King Charles concerning the high treason accusations by the Military General Government for Serbia directed against several hundred residents of Croatia and Slavonia, which he judged to be false.

Hrvatski institut za povijest—Odsjek za povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Splitu, Matica hrvatska, , — Moving to Slavonia in his early infancy, he served from to as an artillery officer in Osijek. Although he presumably left no writings in Croatian, themes connected with Osijek and Slavonia occur rather frequently in his literary work, and his scandals were well remembered among the population. How Europe Went to War in , London: Penguin Books, , — In his book, Pfeffer declares himself to be a Croat and a Catholic,35 but several authors also refer to him as a convert, albeit without substantiation.

Somewhat more humble was the social standing of Lavoslav, alias Leo, Kraus — , author of a lesser-known memoir published in Born in Osijek to a working class father, Kraus was drafted soon after his high school graduation. Spending the second part of as a reserve officer trainee in Ogulin and Rijeka, he was transferred in spring of to the Eastern Front, serving there in the ranks of the Common Army 78th Infantry Regiment almost continually until early Writing his recollections in Croatian, Kraus was somewhat cryptic about his Jewish identity as well as his position toward the Habsburg Monarchy.

For instance, although he declared himself to have been a Zionist until ,37 Croats and Serbs of Yugoslav orientation tend to predominate among his pre-war friends and acquaintances, and he was proud to mention his participation in the general strike of high school students, as well as in the boycott of German songs and demonstrative singing of anti-Hungarian Croatian songs in Rijeka in Curiously enough, he was inclined to note that as of late he stopped believing in the victory of the Central Powers, a victory he in any event did not want to see.

As he recalls, having become an atheist, it was the armistice of and the fraternization with Russian officers that had made him into a kind of pacifist Bolshevik who would later become an active member of the illegal Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Perhaps all of that constituted an evolution too radical to be openly confessed? At the same time, all of the battlefield exploits that had earned him the highly esteemed Golden Bravery Medal and the promotion to lieutenant are depicted as irrationally motivated, a result of the fight or flight heat of the moment.

Albeit without enthusiasm, Schwarz tried to adapt and to fulfil his duties. A weary veteran of the Eastern and Italian front, promoted to the rank of lieutenant, he had by mid finally had enough, and was transferred to the rear because of a simulated illness. Some of his apparently well-meaning colleagues also advised him to convert to Catholicism if he decided to pursue a military career; ibid. Steps are being taken that will hopefully result in its publication in the near future. On the one hand, despite numerous battlefield casualties, none of the desired political reforms — for instance, those which would really unite Croatian lands or democratize voting rights — were introduced, at least not until it was too late.

On the other hand, everyday life in the rear became increasingly demanding — there was less and less food, and speculatory tendencies were not adequately dealt with. The population grew gradually poorer and was threatened with hunger. As a result, existing negative stereotypes were boosted, and Jews were subjected to various levels of suspicion or sometimes even maltreatment. For a part of the non-Jewish public, Croatian-Slavonian Jews were considered to be hostile foreigners, namely Austrian Germans or Hungarians, because a part of the Jewish population still spoke German or Hungarian.

For instance, even in the pre-war years the aforementioned Josip Frank was publically denigrated for his Jewish origins. Accordingly, his party was accused of being corrupted by particular Jewish interests and therefore not genuinely nationalist. Apart from the usual charge of usury, Jews were accused in public of exploiting their neighbors and the unfit soldiers, having them perform various forms of work. It was also believed that many Jews had acquired prominent positions in the army through favoritism, and that a large number of them had, through bribery or their education, kept themselves safe far behind the front lines.

Be it mild or severe, laconic or elaborate, around ten out of forty published book-length texts of in a wider sense Croatian low-ranking officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers, direct participants in the First World War, contain some sort of pejorative comment. Notably, on several occasions the actual face-to-face interaction was much more humane. In that sense, the most radical example is given by the aforementioned war memoirs of lawyer, writer, and politician Mile Budak — Probably written in , in Italian captivity, they were first published only in , after the Independent State of Croatia had been founded.

First, according to Budak, not the true-born Hungarians but the Hungarian Jews, who have allegedly taken over the public affairs in Transleithania, are to be held responsible for Hungarian chauvinism, resulting in the subordinated position that Croatia-Slavonia found itself in. Matica hrvatska, , 54— Interestingly, the alleged chauvinism of Hungarian Jews was also criticized by at least one contributor to the aforementioned Zagreb Zionist magazine.

Globus, , — Jeronima, , 24, Jeronima, , — Der Inhalt des Jahrbuchs folgt Arbeitsschwerpunkten des Zentrums. Neben Ergebnissen der engeren Antisemitismusforschung geht es in den Rubriken Nationalsozialismus, Verfolgung und Holocaust sowie Emigration und Exil um Folgen und Wirkungen der nationalsozialistischen Rassenideologie. Andrea Hopp Antisemitismus und Emotionen im Europa des Die Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc.

Schwerpunktthema von Band 21 ist Litauen. Das Urteil des Sondergerichts Freiburg i. Spiegelbild der nationalen Geschichtsdeutung? Mediale Reaktionen auf den Dresdner Gerichtsmord. Neue Forschungsergebnisse zum