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Guide King of the Golden River (with panel zoom)/n/t/t/t - Classics Illustrated Junior

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In this work we explore the generational sequences of events and rapid processes brought forward by those actions, since individual actions taken by commoner families are more difficult to trace through settlement variation and dynamics. Other datasets come from the results of the archaeological research projects in which we were and still are involved at a number of sites—in the North: Xculoc, Xcochkax, and Xcalumkin; in the North-East: Naachtun; in the West: La Joyanca, Zapote Bobal, and Cancuen—reinforcing our sensitivity to the ecological and sociopolitical diversity of the Maya lowlands, along with the wide range of processes the regions went through, even though our narrative must follow the primarily generational time guide.

Sites are geographically ordered from West left to East, and South to North right. Sites with on-going monumental construction had resident population B , but the end of monumental construction does not necessarily coincide with abandonment by resident population, and both end and abandonment are poorly dated in many sequences. Etically, the same variables document diplomatic action and population mobility see below.

However, the lowland geographical and agrarian diversity is such than rainfall variations did not affect all subsistence systems and regions in the same way.

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The former is a direct function of hegemonies, house ranking and alliance-making see section one ; the latter an indirect function of elite competition, and possibly also a direct result of climatic conditions. Diplomatic action includes all ritualized performances in which ranked persons gathered in search of matrimonial and military alliances, as well as the redefinition of regional rankings under traditional or new overlords.

Diplomatic action can thus be documented mainly through the first two variables, monument erection and warfare, and through monumental construction also. Population mobility, with residence shifting either from city to city, or from city to hinterlands, was common during the Classic period in relation to milpa agriculture, pilgrimages, markets, itinerant production, and exchanges e. However, the Terminal Classic period would have seen an acceleration of a new previously rare?

Migration challenges the co-residence principle—basic in house societies—since groups had to abandon their traditional residence and relocate to different contexts. Population movements can be approached through the last two variables: Both collective action types imply complex, off-routine chains of decision-action led by many great and petty rulers and leaders alike. Ideally we need to investigate what information was available to those agents at specific moments and places, what the circumstances were for decision-making, and what could have been transmitted through generations.

This paper is intended to provide the main guidelines for such exploratory work, setting the theoretical framework and dataset synthesis, but is dependent on the state of research in archaeology, which still lacks the degree of quantitative evaluation necessary for graphical expression. In the demographic context of the ancient Maya it corresponds to one lifetime, and also to two sequent generations parents and children: These Long Count calendar dates provide a canvas precisely anchoring in time any associated materials, ceramics, architecture or deposits.

Radiocarbon dating calibrated along Bayesian models also refines ceramic intervals e. There are few reported Terminal Classic radiocarbon dates in published sources, a dearth due to limited sampling in surface strata e. In the present study all absolute chronological information is entirely based on dating provided by the authors of compiled sources. There is not much we can do about that situation, except multiply cross-dating, site sequences, and surveys. Rather, it attempts to elucidate the conditions of decision-action experienced by generations in Maya Terminal Classic societies.

On the basis of the information compiled, we surmise that at least some of the events and processes developed rapidly enough to be perceived by individuals in their lifetime, and that they were in a position to react to these themselves and through their offspring. It is also the traditional date assigned to the incipient general distribution of fine-paste ceramics across the Lowlands.

It is also the time of worsening rainfall conditions e. Concomitantly they stopped building monumental architecture and raising carved stelae and altars. Unstable conditions certainly prevailed even before throughout the entire western side of the lowlands. It is unclear whether kingdoms, or their internal factions, or both, initiated and stimulated the endemic warfare condition. If noble houses rebelled against rulers, then they apparently fell into endless rivalries. Their legitimacy might have been more easily challenged in times of crisis. According to Golden and Scherer , p.

Even though those stoic populations did not massively migrate, dynastic collapses certainly disrupted trading capacities, alliances, and hierarchies. An important part of the Western Lowlands was abandoned, sacked, and would never be reoccupied again. Though dramatic in the Western Lowlands, the period shows all the signs of elite activity and interaction reflecting diplomatic and economic strategies required to face political changes.

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Evidence of long-distance exchanges in particular indicates that the elites were attempting to reorganize new networks and alliances to suit new priorities. These changes probably indicate a major shift in the distribution system in obsidian exchanges that remains to be understood. Whether their degree of distribution was socially wider than that of Classic polychromes is a matter of debate e. But clearly, even if production tended to be regionalized with frequent imitations , those ceramics rapidly became standardized finewares shared by most cities across the lowlands.

Such change points to a restructuring and broadening of social negotiations A. Emerging networks, their modalities and spatial extent are still insufficiently researched and poorly understood including tribute obligations: Yet, economic networks might provide proxies to the social reorganization of the Southern Lowlands, as well as to their growing interaction with the Northern Lowlands. Puuc-style monumental residences signal the emergence of large intermediate social groups. This raises the issue of chronological resolution, as our impressionistic evaluation may not capture the extent of the shift in relation to the preceding and succeeding time intervals.

Grube a, observed long ago, inscriptions ceased to narrate war events, which implies a public silencing of warfare rather than an effective general peace. Both observations may be another early sign of later changes in epigraphic and iconographic contents. The investigated cave is located in southern Belize South-Eastern Lowlands at Yok Balum, a distant location, which raises doubts about the impact of such events across the entire lowlands.

Collective diplomatic action is somewhat better documented. This is due in good part to a clear shift toward secondary centers. Interestingly, in many cases these late monuments present poor quality inscriptions, indicating that they were not made by the same royal artists as in the previous generation. We suggest that such activity had to do with the emergence of new regional and sub-regional hierarchies of intermediate social groups under the declining aegis of the great capitals.

Whereas war narrations or mentions are rare, the iconography of captives is still common on altars and stelae, reflecting the persistence of traditional capture warfare. But simultaneously, iconography and inscriptions expressed a concern for local and regional alliances, a trend that has long been noticed by D. This indicates that the agents were not only rulers but also household heads engaged in diplomatic activity 4.

The evidence is limited to the Eastern and North-Eastern Lowlands, but in the meantime Western leaders were not inactive. It is sufficient to say that a ceremony was held celebrating the katun ending on Such ideological imports would have prepared Ceibal to play a politico-religious role on a wider Mesoamerican scale, perhaps with the ambition of securing a specific connection with the new Tollan.

It occurred at Ceibal, an ancient place distinct from Tikal, Calakmul, and Caracol, but under the auspices of their dynasties, although in the latter case, indirectly through Ukanal. This attempt to reinstate the old political system, or to settle a new order, lasted two generations locally. Whether or not most cities were, by then, totally deserted, is a quite different issue.

Thus, unless this relatively tight sequence is revised through new dating, the determinant process may have been the south-to-north migration of the most prominent dynasties and affiliated houses out of paramount city palaces. Independently of their political fragmentation and weakening, those groups were still the apex of all lowland pyramidal hierarchies, and the political status quo would only have been changed by their physical displacement.

However, recent datasets can be assembled to give it more substance, as we will see below. Late dedications of stone monuments without inscriptions thus undated probably still occurred here and there in the lowlands, whereas at Chichen Itza the last inscription is dated except the isolated inscription: Pending new discoveries e. In any case, the action of house abandonment should not be overstated as not all migrating groups went as far as the Puuc region e.

Although firmly assigned to the Terminal Classic phase, those features have not been quantified subphase by subphase. They are therefore difficult to date precisely within the time interval. Those deposits are now better distinguished from on-floor de facto deposits A. Strontium isotope determinations of origins have been obtained on buried individuals e. Abandonment processes and massive population movements differed from one region to another, and followed different rhythms, which are still one of the major issues in understanding the Terminal Classic period.

Group resettlement would have been facilitated in Uxmal by its many reservoirs, and also in Chichen Itza, a pilgrimage center famed for its cenotes with abundant water resources. But in other places it may be difficult to distinguish the last occupation from the occasional visits made by commoners living dispersed in the hinterlands.

Inscribed monuments were no longer erected, and masonry houses probably no longer built. In such a context, we have attempted to trace their actions along two lines: The former is in good part illustrated by the long-known content of monument carvings, whether iconographic or epigraphic. The latter has only received attention in the last decade and is still partly hypothetical, although incipient evidence is rapidly accumulating.

This proposal provides a new mode of organizing datasets transversally from many sites throughout the long ninth century following the guidelines of specific emic agency forms. The forms we consider to be prevalent, alliance making and mobility, are closely tied to the dynamics of the large social groups emerging in those times of declining kingship. Other agencies might also be considered, e. In turn, by , the third and fourth generations witnessed the reconfiguration of many hegemonies and hierarchies throughout the lowlands, with subsequent changes in ranking and tribute systems.

The archaeological, epigraphic, and iconographic proxies used in the study do not imply a direct connection to droughts. Maya agents, who left large masonry residences and carved monuments, belonged to powerful houses able to compensate, at least in part, the lowering returns from basic staples due to bad years—even though such decreases must have slowed down all activities.

The impact of worsening climatic conditions on the diverse Maya societies is still poorly understood. This model does not suggest the primacy of one cause over another, but, instead, underlines the interconnection of different spatial and social processes within the same polities, to be measured along one time scale.

There is certainly much to be observed and understood through the building of precise generational chronologies, which improve dating precision and time scale resolution and allow us to evaluate the conditions of past collective action. Robichaux , Fred Valdez Jr. Houk and Ruth Mathews. Aimers James and Gyles Iannone. Wyllys Andrews and Fernando Robles Castellanos. Crises and resiliences in the Maya World , Brussels. Arnauld Marie Charlotte and Alfonso Lacadena. Past Crises and Resilience. When Tramp Homer sits down, the rest of the family, dressed as silent movie characters, join him.

The Simpsons come in just as two repo men take the couch away. Homer sobs loudly, Marge looks confused, and the kids sit on the floor to watch TV. The Squeaky-Voiced Teen and an unknown adolescent girl are making out on the couch. The Simpsons come in. The Squeaky-Voiced Teen yelps and the unknown girl smiles uneasily. The family runs in to find the Blue Man Group performing on drums in front of the couch. Homer murmurs "What the--?! The Simpsons rushing to and sitting on the couch is animated in pencil-drawn flipbook style, with the pages flipped by a pair of live-action hands.

The family are marionettes who get caught in each other's strings. The camera pans up to reveal Matt Groening as the puppet master, who throws the puppets down in frustration. The living room is in an ocean. Homer is on water skis, with the others on him as everyone literally " jumps the shark ". The family safely lands on the couch, except for Homer, whose legs have been bitten off and are now in the mouths of two sharks. In a parody of the opening of the s sitcom, Get Smart , Homer goes through many futuristic doors and passageways until he reaches the phone booth, dials a number, falls through the floor, and lands on the couch with the rest of the family already seated.

In a parody of the Macintosh paint program, Kid Pix , a mouse cursor drags Homer from the left side of the couch to the right, changes the wall color to green, and replaces the boat painting with the Mona Lisa. Homer clicks on the remote control and sends the family to the Stone Age where they sit in front of a fire, clicks it again to send them to the era of the Roman Empire where they watch a gladiator match, and clicks it a final time to return them to the present.

In a parody of the black-and-white photograph, Lunchtime Atop A Skyscraper , the family is dressed as construction workers of the early 20th century and are sitting on a girder watching TV. The couch is a novelty cardboard cut-out with holes where the family's heads would be. The family puts their heads through the holes and a photographer takes their picture. The living room is made of assorted candies and gingerbread. The Simpsons are gingerbread men and women who rush to the couch.

Homer leans over and bites the top of Bart's head. Spritz Goes to Washington ".

A camera shutter flash is heard as a blank Polaroid photo floats to the couch and develops into a picture of The Simpsons. The couch is a street bench in Japan, and everyone is a famous anime character: Knives are hurled at the Simpsons' heads, but hit the wall. Homer tries to get a bowl of chips, but a knife aimed for the side of his head stops him. The couch is replaced by a giant microwave. Someone puts a tray inside and presses a button. The Simpsons rise from the tray as it cooks. A woman throws some seeds into a plot of dirt where the couch usually is, and waters them; everybody sprouts up like plants.

In a parody of the science short film, Powers of Ten , the Simpsons sit down on the couch as normal when suddenly, the camera pans out, revealing an overhead shot of the house, then of the neighborhood, and so on, zooming out further and further to show the United States, the Earth, the solar system, and Kang and Kodos standing next to their broken spaceship. Soon, many stars fill the screen as they form into the Milky Way. Other galaxies form and turn into atoms, and the view zooms out to show simple molecular structures, more complex molecular structures, then DNA helices, which pan out into a blank yellow expanse, which reveals to be Homer's head and returns to the couch scene.

The couch is in a clearing and mounted on a catapult. The Simpsons sit down and get launched over a mountain range. All of the family members sit down as normal. The Simpsons now look like Moe Szyslak. The family take their usual places on the couch. The couch rises into the air and is actually part of an anglerfish deep in the ocean.

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The family screams as the anglerfish swallows them whole. With no music playing, the Simpsons sit on the couch as normal. The living room is made of sand including the furnitures and fixtures. The family, looking haggard and dehydrated, crawls in, but ends up lying on their backs in a desert when the sand house collapses.

The family climbs on top of the other, forming a totem pole , with Homer at the bottom and Maggie on top. The family hops to the living room with the floor as a chessboard dressed as chess pieces: Homer is the king, Marge is the queen, Bart is a rook, Lisa is a knight, and Maggie is a pawn. The family, dressed as bruised and beaten hockey players Marge, Bart, and Lisa each have a missing tooth while Homer has a missing tooth and a black eye , skate around the couch as "Charge! Homer is carrying the Stanley Cup with Maggie the only one who isn't hurt sitting in the bowl.

The living room is dark, with many eyes present. The Simpsons sit down as normal. The Simpsons sit down on the couch. A roasting spit pierces through the couch and the floor below pulls back to reveal a fiery pit. The Simpsons are then spun around over the heat. Marge's hair catches fire. Several toy forms of transportation come into the living room, only to change Transformers -style into the family. The couch scene is a near-complete jigsaw puzzle, with Homer's and Maggie's heads missing. Two hands with five fingers on each hand instead of four and colored in a realistic peach skin tone instead of The Simpsons cartoonishly bright yellow put the heads in place, then, noticing Homer and Maggie are switched, fixes them and says, "Woo-hoo!

A metal detector and a security guard are on the side of the couch. Marge, Lisa, Bart, and Maggie make it past the detector, but Homer sets it off. After three failed attempts, Homer is stripped down to his underwear and inspected by the guard with a handheld scanning wand. Filmed in claymation, the Simpsons are colored balls that roll to the couch. A green ball rolls in along with them and forms into Gumby. The Simpsons sit down on the couch as normal.

The family runs in to sit on the couch, but it turns into a monster and chases them out of the house. Everyone's couches come to life and start attacking and swallowing the people sitting on them. The purple-haired twins, Sherri and Terri, are swallowed by their beanbag chair, policemen Eddie and Lou are trapped in their squad car as a band of couches rock it back and forth, Professor Frink is attacked by a futuristic flying couch with laser weaponry, and Moe takes a swig of booze and blasts his attacking booths and barstools with his shotgun.

Meanwhile, Homer takes refuge in a store called "Couch World", and sits, sighing in relief—until the sentient couches in the store pile on top of him. The camera zooms out to reveal that the family and the living room are part of a zoo exhibit on Kang and Kodos's home planet, Rigel IV. The couch is replaced with a bird's nest and the family members take their usual places.

A large bird flies in and feeds Homer a worm. A pair of animated hands deals a wild royal flush the jack of diamonds [Bart], the queen of diamonds [Marge], the king of diamonds [Homer], the ace of diamonds [Lisa], and a joker [Maggie] onto the couch. A photographer comes in and snaps their family portrait, which sets off a slideshow of the family in normal , normal, yet weary-looking , Homer is dead, somber music plays, Marge is dressed in black, and the kids are in their church clothes , Marge is married to Lenny; the kids start to age , Marge is gone; the kids are still aging; Lenny and Carl are now caring for the kids , Marge returns and is now married to Jimbo Jones; the kids are still growing up , Jimbo Jones is gone; Homer is now a robot; Bart and Lisa are now teenagers while Maggie is now a young girl , and everyone in the Simpson family is a robot.

In a parody of the Bonanza opening, a map of frontier-era United States is burned out in the center, revealing The Simpsons on horseback. The Bonanza theme plays instead of the usual Simpsons music. Homer is added by a robotic arm and the conveyor belt continues moving. The living room is blocked by a laser security system. The Simpsons carefully slip through the beams and make it to the couch, but once the lasers vanish, Homer's head falls to the floor.

The family played by live-action actors and actresses from the UK sit on the couch just as the animated Simpsons opening comes on. The couch is replaced by four wooden chairs. When the music stops, everyone except for Homer grabs a seat. Homer groans in disappointment. Everyone but Homer sits on the couch. A vending machine filled with every castmember including The Simpson family from the show appears instead of the couch. Ralph Wiggum comes in, selects a Homer figurine, and bites the head off before leaving.

The family sits down and gets moved across the floor in a car wash, where they get sprayed with water, squirted with hot wax, and scrubbed with brushes. Marge's hair turns puffy, Maggie's pacifier turns up missing, and everyone looks sad as three men wipe them dry and one of them puts a new pacifier in Maggie's mouth. The Simpsons get dragged and dropped onto a desktop picture of the couch before getting dragged and dropped again in the recycle bin. The Simpsons's eyes are visible in the dark.

When the lights come up, the Simpsons are revealed to have the bodies of cockroaches. The Simpson roaches scatter with Maggie hiding behind the couch. A pair of cartoon hands cuts a piece of paper into the shape of Homer. The hands then pull out the paper to reveal a chain shaped like the rest of the Simpsons family members. Homer can be heard yelling, "Whoo-hoo! The family in Christmas attire sits on the couch, and the camera pulls out to reveal they are reflected in decoration which is on a Christmas tree, and Santa's Little Helper and Snowball II rest nearby.

All of the Simpsons are infants who crawl to the couch while "Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star" plays in the background. When they reach the couch, everyone reverts to their normal ages save Maggie, who is already a baby. The Simpsons are stand-up paper dolls in their underwear; a pair of hands puts clothes on them, after which they smile and sit on the couch. Getting out of the ocean, Homer evolves into a prehistoric lizard that extends his tongue to snack on an insect that resembles his power plant coworker, Lenny.

Homer then evolves into a slightly larger lizard with a scale on his back that sees a pterodactyl resembling Principal Skinner's mother, Agnes, flying overhead. Homer then evolves into a rat that gets chased by a Tyrannosaurus Rex resembling Bart, who then gets into a battle with a stegosaurus resembling Lisa.

Homer hides in a hole just before a large asteroid crashes on Earth, wiping out all dinosaur life. Homer comes out of the hole, passing the skeletal remains of T-Rex Bart, before changing into a sloth, then a monkey as he approaches a jungle, becoming more apelike as he swings through the trees.

Leaving the jungle, a brief Ice Age occurs as he evolves from a Neanderthal, to a Cro-Magnon, to an upright walking caveman. Caveman Homer passes by Moe who is also a caveman , the latter of which devolves into a rat creature. As Homer continues walking, he evolves into men from different historical eras a nomad from the Middle Ages, a Spanish explorer, a Pilgrim, and a Victorian-era intellectual until he finally enters the present day, evolves into his modern self, and comes home, stepping over Santa's Little Helper as he goes inside the house.

With the rest of the family sitting on the sofa, Marge asks, "What took you so long? Similar to the couch gag from the season five's " Rosebud ", the Simpsons sit on the couch as normal. Then a second Simpson family crams themselves on the couch. Soon more and more Simpson clones overrun the house, spilling out of the chimney and upstairs windows. To coincide with the opening sequence depicting a destroyed Springfield from The Simpsons Movie being rebuilt , the Simpsons run to their near-dilapidated house and find Plopper the pig on the couch. Homer cuddles it and says, "My summer love!

The living room is made of Lego bricks and the family members are built one by one out of them. Homer can be heard shouting, "Woo-hoo! The family sits down as normal, except Maggie is missing. Homer looks to the empty space where Maggie is, then gets lifted by a giant Maggie as the camera pulls out to reveal the living room being part of a dollhouse and the family as the dolls that live within.

Maggie puts the miniature Homer in her mouth and sucks it like a pacifier. The family already seated on the couch appears on the cover of Modern Couch Gag magazine. A pair of cartoon hands opens up a book called "The Simpsons" and reveals a pop-up centerfold of the family sitting on the couch. A magician walks into the living room and uses his cape to make the couch and family members appear. A medieval tapestry based on the famous Bayeux Tapestry shows Ned Flanders and his family stealing the Simpsons's couch.

The Simpsons then sail over to the Flanders' castle, fight them for the couch, and return with the couch and Ned Flanders' chopped corpse. The Simpsons are sitting perfectly still on the couch. The camera pans out again to reveal that the couch scene is a painting at a museum. A mobile is above the couch. The Simpsons run in and hook themselves onto it. Homer's weight tips the mobile. Two hands add pegs to a Lite-Brite picture of the family on the couch. The picture lights up and Maggie sucks on her pacifier. There are five dots on the couch.

Professor Frink comes in with an eye dropper and squeezes water on all of the dots, which sprout into sponge doll versions of The Simpsons, except Homer isn't full grown. Professor Frink walks off and comes back with a bucket of water. He splashes it on Homer and Homer sprouts to his normal height. Coyote drawn Simpsons-style paints the couch on the wall of the living room and sneaks off. The Simpsons run in and smack face-first into the wall.

Maggie runs in and does the Roadrunner's trademark "Meep, meep! The rest of the Simpsons peel themselves off the wall and sit on the painted couch, but Homer falls through, leaving a hole in the wall. Light flute music plays as a paintbrush dabs at the empty couch, making Homer, Bart, Lisa, Marge, and Maggie appear one by one. The Simpsons sit on the couch and are suddenly encased in a block of carbonite. Boba Fett of Star Wars fame appears and carries off the family. The Simpsons rush in and find themselves in a national park viewing area overlooking a Mount Rushmore -esque mountain carving of the family sitting on the couch.

Bart can be heard yelling, "Ay, caramba! In a reverse parody of The Wizard of Oz , The Simpsons in their colorful world are sucked up by a tornado and put on a farmland shown in black and white. Instead of a couch, there are five cuckoo clocks on the wall. Wooden cuckoo clock statues of The Simpsons pop out one by one.

Instead of the living room, the Simpsons dressed in togas are in the ancient city of Pompeii and race to sit on a bench. Suddenly, Mount Vesuvius in the distance erupts and covers the family in ash. Similar to the couch gag in the season 9 episode, " Trash of the Titans ," The Simpsons run in and find Bart writing on the blackboard as punishment. Unlike the couch gag on "Trash of the Titans," the Simpsons are in their own living room, the blackboard is on wheels instead of on the wall, and Bart is writing "I will not bring the chalkboard home" instead of "I will not mess with the opening credits".

The living room is encased inside of a plastic toy box labeled "The Simpsons Couch Gag ". The Simpsons rush to the couch and sit down. He looks at the audience and comments, "Worst The family rush into the living room to discover that the couch is missing. Through the window, Homer spots the couch escaping down the road, and the family gives chase. The Simpsons follow the couch to various destinations throughout the world, such as the streets of San Francisco , the water canals of Venice and inside a palace room in India before finally catching up with it in outer space.

Homer directs the couch towards Earth, and the family dressed as astronauts like in the couch gag to " The Principal and the Pauper " crashes through the ceiling into the living room. Homer pulls out a remote from underneath him and turns on the TV The Simpsons travel through a chain of past iconic American sitcoms: Frasier Crane until they finally reach their own sitcom and sit on the couch, sighing in relief.

The Simpsons come in and find their couch beaten and torn.

Funeral music plays as they bury the couch in the backyard. The Simpsons then visit a ranch to pick out a new couch. The Simpsons sit on a black and white spotted couch, which throws Homer off it. The scene then cuts to The Simpsons in their living room, sitting on their new couch. Homer is in a body cast and turns on the wall-mounted flatscreen TV. The couch is strung up like a pinata. A blindfolded Ralph Wiggum comes in, swinging a stick and hits the couch, making the Simpsons spill out on the floor.

The Simpsons are dog show participants being led on leashes by men in fancy suits. A judge awards Bart the blue ribbon, and Homer attacks Bart. The Simpsons are a meal at a fancy restaurant Homer is a garden salad, Lisa's face appears in a bowl of soup, Marge is a plate of spaghetti and meatballs, Bart is a T-Bone steak, and Maggie is the mint that comes with the restaurant bill , which The Comic Book Guy eats.

After he wipes his mouth with a napkin, a stain appears that resembles The Simpsons sitting on the couch. The screen is white. A cartoon left hand flips an animation cel that has eyes on it, flips another that has Homer's skeleton sitting cross-legged, flips another that has Homer's stomach and a can of Duff beer on the lap, flips another that has Homer naked, another where the rest of the family are fully clothed and sitting in mid-air, and another where The Simpsons are in their living room and sitting on the couch.

Marge notices Homer is still naked and pulls down an animation cel that has Homer's clothes. The living room is covered in thick, jungle plants. The Simpsons slash their way through in order to reach the couch, and find an ape version of the Simpson family already seated. The ape-Simpsons hoot and screech, scaring off the human Simpsons. There's an Olympic-sized pool leading to the couch.

The Simpsons take their places on the marks and swim to the couch once a starter pistol goes off. Marge is first, Lisa's second, Bart is third, and Maggie is last. The family looks around, wondering where Homer is.

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Cut to a shot of an unconscious Homer floating facedown in the pool. The living room is the seating area in the Colosseum during the era of the Roman Empire. The Simpsons dressed in togas rush to an empty space to sit down. The sounds of a gladiator match can be heard offscreen. The audience cheers as the head of a gladiator flies into the audience.

A large marble rock is in the living room where the couch should be. A stereotypical French sculptor quickly chisels out a statue of The Simpsons sitting on the couch. The sculptor then turns the statue of the Simpsons into a statue of a Civil War soldier on a horse. Similar to the couch gag from the season 11's " Missionary Impossible ", the Simpsons are at an underground train station where a train pulls in and opens its doors, revealing the living room, complete with couch.

The Simpsons get in and sigh as the door closes and the train pulls off. The Simpsons, wearing white cowboy hats, exchange gunfire around the couch. Maggie comes out from behind the sailboat picture on the wall and blasts the room with a machine gun. The living room is a clearing during the Stone Age and the couch is a log floating on a tarpit. The Simpsons dressed as cavemen and cavewomen rush to the log and sit down, only to sink into the tar. Cut to the modern day where The Simpsons are well-preserved skeletons on display at a museum. Instead of the couch, The Simpsons dressed as Victorian-era Christmas carollers appear next to a Christmas tree and sing a parody of "The 12 Days of Christmas," featuring twelve Grampas grumbling as they stand in a customer return line , eleven Barneys belching as they lie drunk in the snow , ten Lennys leaping over a fence , nine Carls dancing in a ballroom , eight Moes a-milking, seven Selmas smoking, six Flanders praying, five golden Frinks Professor Frink's heads are on five gold coins , four crawling nerds Database, Wendell, Martin, and Milhouse crawling from Nelson Muntz , three-eyed fish Blinky from " Two Cars in Every Garage and Three Eyes on Every Fish " , two special Ralphs, and as the Simpsons walk to the couch , a Maggie in a Snuggly.

The Simpsons and Marge's sisters Patty and Selma gather around the dinner table for a Thanksgiving meal, but soon gather their plates and head for the couch where they watch a football game on TV. The living room furniture the couch cushions, the rug, the flat-screen TV, and the lamps are all dancing to disco music just as The Simpsons come in.

Once Homer yells, "Hey! Homer is standing on a coiled platform, which launches him and the rest of the Simpson family through a pinball game called "Couch Gag Chaos. The couch is seen inside a human egg.


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Each family member is a sperm cell swimming towards and penetrating the egg to sit on the couch. The zygote then divides multiple times, forming a Mr. Homer runs to the couch first. When Homer gets an incoming call from Mr. Burns, he screams and swallows the phone. Cut to reveal Grampa getting his fortune read by the gypsy from " Hex and the City ". Grampa gasps and turns the Death card towards the gypsy.

The gypsy drops dead. The facade of the house collapses on top of them, but does not crush them, thanks to the empty window pane. The Simpsons chase after the couch through the articles on The Springfield Shopper. The couch gives in and reunites with the family after seeing an ad about it in the classified section. Special opening with Lisa and several other characters—main, ancillary, and one-shot lip-synching to Kesha 's " Tik Tok ," which culminates into The Simpsons sitting on their couch as everyone in town lifts them up.

Nelson constructs a miniature Simpsons toy, then blows it up with a firecracker. Harold from the children's book, Harold and the Purple Crayon draws The Simpsons' living room just as they run in to sit. Homer asks Harold to draw him a beer, and Harold obliges. Homer pats the child on the head.

Homer and Bart appear as hand puppets, and the puppets begin attacking each other. The view pans down, and Homer is shown choking Bart himself. The man eats the cupcake and walks off as the banner falls on the disappointed family. The family finds a dead man on their living room floor, then run from the police in their couch. They are soon arrested, identified in a line-up, and executed on an electric couch.

The family is seen seated on the couch. The camera pulls back to reveal this as a picture hanging in a sweatshop where Asian workers most of which are women and children are producing merchandise and animation cels for the show. The camera pulls back further to reveal that the sweatshop is in the 20th Century Fox Building This special opening was animated by graffiti artist Banksy.

The Simpsons rush to and sit down on the couch. Daredevil Lance Murdock jumps his motorcycle over the family and crashes into the door. In the style of the James Cameron film Avatar , the Simpsons get inside a transporter and are seen as members of the Na'vi tribe. Na'vi Bart tames a wild flying couch before the family sits down in front of the TV wearing blue and red 3D glasses. Professor Frink is on the couch and shoots the family with a shrink ray. Now microsized once again , the Simpsons make their way to a mousetrap baited with cheese that they use as a couch, only for the mousetrap to snap on everyone seated.

Different scenes of Springfield are shown on an Advent calendar. The December 24 section depicts the Simpsons on the couch, with Santa Claus. The couch wakes up, shaves, has breakfast, rides a subway, clocks in outside of the Simpsons' back door, and takes its place as everyone runs in and sits on it. The Simpsons are depicted as scoops of ice cream in a giant sundae, which Santa's Little Helper eats. Homer injures his leg as he runs to the couch with the rest of the family.

As Homer is carried off in a stretcher, Mr. Burns signals for benchwarmer Barney Gumble to run in and take Homer's place. The Simpsons are hockey players similar to the couch gag from season 16's " There's Something About Marrying " who get sent to the penalty box couch for fighting during a game. On a "The Simpsons Couch Gag Game" video game, the five family members are selected as players and sit on the couch.

Similar to the season six couch gag for " Lisa on Ice ," the family sits on the couch, only to be sprung off by the cushion springs in this version, the family springs into the viewer's TV screen rather than get shot through the ceiling. The living room setting with the family seated on the couch is shown as a VHS cover inside an abandoned video rental store "Million Dollar Video" that subsequently gets demolished. The couch is on display at the Smithsonian Museum much like Archie Bunker 's chair.

The Simpsons dressed as burglars sneak in and bypass security to get to the couch.

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The entire couch scene is drawn and animated by John Kricfalusi. A sword with the label "Property of Ned Flanders" is stuck on the couch. Homer tries to remove it, but cannot. Flanders tries and is successful. Homer and the rest of the family sit on the couch as Flanders leaves. The Simpsons are gingerbread people who run on a plate set out for Santa Claus. Gingerbread Homer eats his own arm. In a Victorian-period setting, the lights go out and there is a gunshot. When the lights come up, Homer is found dead and Bart is arrested for his father's murder.

We have done this with the aim of focusing on the actions and strategies implemented by each polity over decades of change. Traditionally, changes in several parameters of material culture are synchronized to build cultural sequences although ceramics most often dominate. We tackle the Terminal Classic datasets as exhaustively as possible, under the premise that relationships among events and processes documented by archaeology and epigraphy can and must be reassessed through the temporal distance of 50 years, even though some of those relationships may have required longer or shorter time spans.

Two caveats must be stressed. Our study illustrates this shortcoming and we must insist on the fact that datasets about commoner presence or absence in most sites are poorly dated. Second, as noted by readers of our early draft, our chronological option is developed to the detriment of the spatial diversity of lowland histories. It may have been that Late Classic Maya elites endeavored to overcome the all-too-obvious balkanization process advancing through the lowlands, by searching for some level of general agreement and collective action.

We must stress that by the late ninth century, Chichen Itza and Uxmal were showing trends towards conscious ideological, political and military unification. Moreover, population movements—trade mobility as much as true migrations—are now recognized as having been intense during the Classic e. Nevertheless, they may all have been determinants during these troubled periods. Rough epigraphic and environmental definitions of regions are used in this chronological approach, along with the proximate decaying hegemonies of Tikal, Calakmul, Caracol, and others large centers.

We suggest that, in some regions at least, the weakening of sacred kingship institutions went together with the emergence of the large social groupings that prefigure the Postclassic sociopolitical entities. The second part outlines the research variables, specifies the focus on activity types, and evaluates difficulties in time resolution.

The final discussion raises a number of questions about the effect of generational periodization on our understanding of Terminal Classic changes. However, as most of these strategies required labor and war parties to support their endeavors e. The result was the formation of what would become the later Postclassic groups, the basic sociopolitical entities of Preconquest and Colonial times, e. The third category of evidence refers to the increasing intensity of long-distance exchanges throughout the Terminal Classic period, which implies networking and alliance-making over wide territories typical of house societies.

It introduces history in our anthropological approaches of Maya cultural change, as advocated by Sabloff , p. In the Maya case, this model most efficiently accounts for the demographic growth of intermediate social groups. However, the process was not widespread since in settlements having a higher density of landesque investment e. Moreover, with a degree of regional diversity, ranking was internal within social groups—e. As indicated by the erection of stone monuments, they were periodically waived in highly ritualized performances including inaugurations of buildings, accession to power, and period-ending commemorations.

Wide shifts in greater and lesser hegemonies characterize the Terminal Classic period in the Maya Lowlands. Effective political authority should be distinguished from apex positions in local or regional hierarchies. Weak or strong, every sacred ruler was the overlord of somebody and sanctified some hierarchy of titles and names by which subordinate houses were ranked. Architecturally, the latter would correspond to the proliferation of large, complex residences combining private and public functions during the early Terminal Classic times e.

As already suggested, within such an evolution each noble family would have needed strong commoner support as the most determinant asset in the competition for institutional construction. However, attention should also be paid to what those processes implied in concrete terms, i. Such changes imply that more people were integrated than segregated from the rest of the population. Physical houses were the core of the newly formed groupings. The power of those groups lay in the political, economic based on long-distance trade and, possibly, on markets , and mostly demographic bases, with military capacities and access to tribute at stake.

Agents in those groups were able to act corporately, to make alliances with outsiders and foreign groups, and to make at least part of their group move to new places. However, an unknown proportion of Maya populations probably never integrated into those houses, and was thus left with the option of staying unprotected in declining cities or dispersing into forested hinterlands. Agents well incorporated into large groups had more decision-making options in the volatile circumstances of Terminal Classic times, and the effects of their actions have fortunately left more visible traces than their isolated counterparts.

In this work we explore the generational sequences of events and rapid processes brought forward by those actions, since individual actions taken by commoner families are more difficult to trace through settlement variation and dynamics. Other datasets come from the results of the archaeological research projects in which we were and still are involved at a number of sites—in the North: Xculoc, Xcochkax, and Xcalumkin; in the North-East: Naachtun; in the West: La Joyanca, Zapote Bobal, and Cancuen—reinforcing our sensitivity to the ecological and sociopolitical diversity of the Maya lowlands, along with the wide range of processes the regions went through, even though our narrative must follow the primarily generational time guide.

Sites are geographically ordered from West left to East, and South to North right. Sites with on-going monumental construction had resident population B , but the end of monumental construction does not necessarily coincide with abandonment by resident population, and both end and abandonment are poorly dated in many sequences.

Etically, the same variables document diplomatic action and population mobility see below. However, the lowland geographical and agrarian diversity is such than rainfall variations did not affect all subsistence systems and regions in the same way. The former is a direct function of hegemonies, house ranking and alliance-making see section one ; the latter an indirect function of elite competition, and possibly also a direct result of climatic conditions.

Diplomatic action includes all ritualized performances in which ranked persons gathered in search of matrimonial and military alliances, as well as the redefinition of regional rankings under traditional or new overlords. Diplomatic action can thus be documented mainly through the first two variables, monument erection and warfare, and through monumental construction also.

Population mobility, with residence shifting either from city to city, or from city to hinterlands, was common during the Classic period in relation to milpa agriculture, pilgrimages, markets, itinerant production, and exchanges e. However, the Terminal Classic period would have seen an acceleration of a new previously rare? Migration challenges the co-residence principle—basic in house societies—since groups had to abandon their traditional residence and relocate to different contexts.

Population movements can be approached through the last two variables: Both collective action types imply complex, off-routine chains of decision-action led by many great and petty rulers and leaders alike. Ideally we need to investigate what information was available to those agents at specific moments and places, what the circumstances were for decision-making, and what could have been transmitted through generations. This paper is intended to provide the main guidelines for such exploratory work, setting the theoretical framework and dataset synthesis, but is dependent on the state of research in archaeology, which still lacks the degree of quantitative evaluation necessary for graphical expression.

In the demographic context of the ancient Maya it corresponds to one lifetime, and also to two sequent generations parents and children: These Long Count calendar dates provide a canvas precisely anchoring in time any associated materials, ceramics, architecture or deposits. Radiocarbon dating calibrated along Bayesian models also refines ceramic intervals e. There are few reported Terminal Classic radiocarbon dates in published sources, a dearth due to limited sampling in surface strata e.

In the present study all absolute chronological information is entirely based on dating provided by the authors of compiled sources. There is not much we can do about that situation, except multiply cross-dating, site sequences, and surveys. Rather, it attempts to elucidate the conditions of decision-action experienced by generations in Maya Terminal Classic societies.

On the basis of the information compiled, we surmise that at least some of the events and processes developed rapidly enough to be perceived by individuals in their lifetime, and that they were in a position to react to these themselves and through their offspring.

It is also the traditional date assigned to the incipient general distribution of fine-paste ceramics across the Lowlands. It is also the time of worsening rainfall conditions e. Concomitantly they stopped building monumental architecture and raising carved stelae and altars. Unstable conditions certainly prevailed even before throughout the entire western side of the lowlands. It is unclear whether kingdoms, or their internal factions, or both, initiated and stimulated the endemic warfare condition.

If noble houses rebelled against rulers, then they apparently fell into endless rivalries. Their legitimacy might have been more easily challenged in times of crisis. According to Golden and Scherer , p. Even though those stoic populations did not massively migrate, dynastic collapses certainly disrupted trading capacities, alliances, and hierarchies. An important part of the Western Lowlands was abandoned, sacked, and would never be reoccupied again.

Though dramatic in the Western Lowlands, the period shows all the signs of elite activity and interaction reflecting diplomatic and economic strategies required to face political changes. Evidence of long-distance exchanges in particular indicates that the elites were attempting to reorganize new networks and alliances to suit new priorities.

These changes probably indicate a major shift in the distribution system in obsidian exchanges that remains to be understood. Whether their degree of distribution was socially wider than that of Classic polychromes is a matter of debate e. But clearly, even if production tended to be regionalized with frequent imitations , those ceramics rapidly became standardized finewares shared by most cities across the lowlands. Such change points to a restructuring and broadening of social negotiations A. Emerging networks, their modalities and spatial extent are still insufficiently researched and poorly understood including tribute obligations: Yet, economic networks might provide proxies to the social reorganization of the Southern Lowlands, as well as to their growing interaction with the Northern Lowlands.

Puuc-style monumental residences signal the emergence of large intermediate social groups. This raises the issue of chronological resolution, as our impressionistic evaluation may not capture the extent of the shift in relation to the preceding and succeeding time intervals. Grube a, observed long ago, inscriptions ceased to narrate war events, which implies a public silencing of warfare rather than an effective general peace.

Both observations may be another early sign of later changes in epigraphic and iconographic contents. The investigated cave is located in southern Belize South-Eastern Lowlands at Yok Balum, a distant location, which raises doubts about the impact of such events across the entire lowlands. Collective diplomatic action is somewhat better documented. This is due in good part to a clear shift toward secondary centers. Interestingly, in many cases these late monuments present poor quality inscriptions, indicating that they were not made by the same royal artists as in the previous generation.

We suggest that such activity had to do with the emergence of new regional and sub-regional hierarchies of intermediate social groups under the declining aegis of the great capitals. Whereas war narrations or mentions are rare, the iconography of captives is still common on altars and stelae, reflecting the persistence of traditional capture warfare. But simultaneously, iconography and inscriptions expressed a concern for local and regional alliances, a trend that has long been noticed by D.

This indicates that the agents were not only rulers but also household heads engaged in diplomatic activity 4. The evidence is limited to the Eastern and North-Eastern Lowlands, but in the meantime Western leaders were not inactive. It is sufficient to say that a ceremony was held celebrating the katun ending on Such ideological imports would have prepared Ceibal to play a politico-religious role on a wider Mesoamerican scale, perhaps with the ambition of securing a specific connection with the new Tollan.

It occurred at Ceibal, an ancient place distinct from Tikal, Calakmul, and Caracol, but under the auspices of their dynasties, although in the latter case, indirectly through Ukanal. This attempt to reinstate the old political system, or to settle a new order, lasted two generations locally.