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I was born in Andorra la Vella , Principality of Andorra. Andorra is one of the smallest countries in the world. Situated in the middle of the Pyrenees between France and Spain , in winter it is covered with snow and the national sport is skiing. We are the little Switzerland. I'm an industrial engineer and a writer. I write my books in my house in the woods at feet above sea level. I've written children's stories, essays and novels. I'm particularly known for my historical novels. In historical fiction, my specialty, I have written books set in different eras: I love to mix reality, fiction and mystery with exquisite subtlety, always enveloped in feelings and sensations.

I have books published in several languages: I have been described as having breathed new life into the historical novel in the Catalan language. I'm very proud of this accolade. Soy ingeniero industrial y escritor. Spain and Rus- sia. The papers published in this volume were first presented at either the conference itself in Moscow in September th or at a related event held in Vitoria-Gasteiz Spain some weeks later October 18th.

The initiative for this joint venture came from the Russian Acad- emy of Sciences and its desire to explore the reality and future of the multi-ethnic state. In both cases we are dealing with largely unresolved issues, and perhaps even unresolvable ones. Indeed, in the years between the orig- inal conference and this publication, that has become even more the case as recent events in Catalunya and Ukraine amply demonstrate.

In this series of articles, different authors from different perspectives address how these issues, and indeed they are a plurality of issues, have been tackled in the past and might be addressed in the future. In a broad introduction to the multi-faceted reality of cultural diversity around the globe, Valery Tishkov touches on the range of themes and problems which makes this issue so complex, with special reference to ethnicity, linguistic diversity and xenophobia.

Aleksandr Kozhanovski then sketches a series of striking historical parallels between Russia and Spain, above all their imperial past, their rather complex relationship with Europe and their democratic reinvention in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Indeed, this historical parallelism fed directly into the deci- sion to host the bipartite congress, regarding the Spanish experience -in both success and failure- as a possible model for Russian policy. This paper immediately warns us that, viewed from within though at the same time from the periphery, the Spanish solution to the riddle of accommodating ethno-cultural diversity is far from perfect, while also introducing us to the diversity of the Spanish state.

In a series of es- says which, while wide-ranging in themes and chronology, all focus on just one region of Spain: Santiago de Pablo then completes this progression through Basque political and social history with an analysis of Basque nationalism from its late nineteenth-century ori- gins, touching on the short-lived autonomous government of 37, the Civil War and the birth of ETA, and leading us through to the more peaceful present.

Another two papers approach the subject of the Basque language, also known as Euskera, from different perspectives. Sergei Cheshko then plunges into what is at once one of the most intractable of problems and also one of the most topical ones, the right to self-determination of competing ethnicities within one area, drawing on the cases of the Crimea and south-east- ern Ukraine, as well as other less internationally known cases such as Transnistria and Gagauzia. Not all identity is so clearly territorial, though, as Sergei Sokolovskiy shows when introducing us to some of the myriad minor ethnicities within the Russian state, among them several nomadic peoples.

He explores the range of definitions that have and can be applied to the concept of indigeneity, a range which in itself is an eloquent testimony to the complexity of the issue. If Spain struggles to reconcile the diverse interests of its 19 au- tonomous territorial units and four main languages, the Russian reality far outstrips such figures in both categories.

Elena Filippova uses the Census to further illustrate the complexity and range of challeng- es facing multi-ethnic Russia, with particular reference to how the pop- ulation self-identifies in ethnic terms: Tatar, Chechen, Bashkir, Ukrainian and Chuvash - but the spectacular difference is in the number of minority languages, in Russia, more than three times as many as in the whole of Europe combined. Each of these hundreds of ethnicities or regions has its own com- plexities and specificities, is indeed in its own world, and generali- sation and overviews can only take us so far.

Accordingly we look in closer detail at several such cases from a range of perspectives and problems, observing local specificities but conversely noting how such case studies also serve to illustrate wider phenomena. Thus, for example, Sergei Alymov explores the impact of the post-Soviet peri- od on local politics and identity in the Sosnovska district in Tambov province. Much further south, the Islamic dimension first touched upon by Komarova is of even great significance in the framing of the identity of the peoples of the North Caucasus, as studied by Irina Babich, with reference to the interplay between legal, national and religious identity, and resulting in a rivalry between competing legal systems traditional adat , state and sharia which is diachronic and inter- generational as well as confessional, as sharia surges among younger more Islamicised generations.

Firstly, Roman Ignatiev gives us an historical vision of Basque studies within Russia across a range of disciplines, though with particular reference to language and eth- nography, and inevitably touching on the fascinating though large- ly discredited sub-discipline of Basque-Caucasian studies already mentioned by Irurtzun and Madariaga. A tangible side-product of this Russian interest in the Basques, their language and culture is the burgeoning edition of Basque literature translated into Russian, as described by Jon Kortazar.

The comparative towards the diversity and similarities in our political, institutional, socio-eco- nomic and cultural features helps us to understand them better and to find possible solutions for situations, which might a priori seem impossible to resolve. The two countries share many characteristics, having been through a political transition, having complex sociolin- guistic situations, rich folkloric traditions, a number of different na- tionalities, etc.

In other words, there are many reasons for these two countries to work together and explore our past and present, and the bilateral conference was conceived above all as an opportunity for improving our knowledge of each other. Greetings The first part of the conference took place the 29 September in the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow. Alongside the intense academic sessions, we also had the opportunity to sample Russian gastronomy and observe the rich historical and ar- tistic legacy of Moscow.

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On behalf of all the scholars from the Basque Country who travelled there between the 28 and 30 September to take part in the conference I would like to thank the Russian Academy of Sciences for its kindness and hospitality. We discovered a friendly country, a charming city and delicious gastronomy. Thank you for making it possible for us to enjoy an unforgettable experience. As hosts, we welcomed our guests supported by our public in- stitutions and also by a number of individuals who personally and disinterestedly contributed towards the organization of the stay of the Russian delegation, preparing an intense program of cultural and gas- tronomic activities.

I would like to thank all of them for rising to their task and for their help in the Basque part of the bilateral conference: Special thanks go to David Peterson, who has performed the huge task of revising the English versions of this volume. Evolution of political attitudes and scholarly approaches From the moment of formation of modern nation states, there has been an old collision between the doctrine and policy of nation-build- ing on the basis of the people under the jurisdiction of a sovereign state, and on the basis of group differences by culture, religion or historical and regional features.

Obviously, the culture and language of the pre- dominant majority generally serve as the cultural basis for formation of political civic nations, but it is also true that any state and the soci- ety within its borders embraces ethnic and regional complexities. The cultural and, even more so, social homogeneity of nations has been an ideal and political doctrine from the start of the very existence of na- tional states. Assimilative and integrational models, alongside principles of civil equality, dominated nation-building from the times of the French Revolution till World War II. But democracy and equality did not apply to everyone even in the area of Euro-Atlantic civilization.

Discrimination and segregation of so-called coloured and native aboriginal people existed for a long time in the countries of the Western hemisphere. Colonialism reigned in other regions of the world through the system of so-called indirect rule. Acknowledgement of cul- tural diversity and the rights of minorities were not even mentioned, and all the more so for tribal populations of the colonial periphery.

Understanding and governing diversity state formation in the area of the disintegrated Dual Monarchy of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires. New doctrines of self-determination, nation-building, and citizenship, individual and collective rights were developed in the second half of the twentieth century, when the global colonial system was dismantled, doz- ens of new states emerged into the political arena, there was mass mi- gration, and globalization and democratization became the predominant trends of political evolution.

These doctrines included a set of national and international mechanisms for coping with racial and other forms of discrimination, and the protection of rights of the persons belonging to ethnic, racial, religious or linguistic minorities. Doctrines of unity in di- versity, multiculturalism, rights to difference and identity, etc.

The policy of multiculturalism in its various versions became es- tablished in the countries of Western democracy in the s and the s — from Canada and Australia to France and Germany. The concept of collective rights and so-called consociation democracy the democracy of consent is becoming more and more popular. It deviated from the formula of individual equality in favour of mem- bers of minority groups with diminished status because of discrimi- nation and other past and present injustices. This policy gave positive results, but it included the risk of stiff- ening making more rigid group boundaries and the possibility of positive discrimination, i.

Similar analyses and assessments of the concept of multiculturalism were offered by West- ern scientists, including the philosopher and political scientist of Turk- ish origin Seyla Benhabib. She wrote about the problem of strength- ening the influence of cultural factors on political processes under the pressure of mass international migration and globalization. Based on the examination in various countries of existing forms of interaction of traditions and norms, customs and laws, S. Benhabib tried to answer the question of to what extent and how is it possible to combine the desire of cultures to maintain their dignity with the basic liberal values of Western democracy — freedom and equality Benhabib During recent years, Russian scholars carried out important so- cial science research projects on interethnic relations, migration, tol- erance and xenophobia.

Unfortunately, the level of domestic social studies in these fields leaves much to be desired as most problems are treated on the primordial vision of ethnicity and ethnonational- istic views of state building and state policy in polyethnic societies. Socio-biologic and ethno-nationalist approaches were supplemented with the ideology and praxis of new racism, which is based on the non-acceptance of cultural differences Shnirelman The same tendency can be also observed in parts of the Western scientific community, to say nothing about extreme right-wing and ul- tra-nationalistic policies.

It was there that the turn towards neo-con- servativism started, which selected the liberal concept of multicultural- ism and the policies of cultural diversity and cultural freedom as targets for criticism. Understanding and governing diversity development. An especially acute reaction in recipient societies was brought about by the problematical integration of Islamic migrant groups. Public statements by national leaders A. Cameron became a kind of premature fu- neral for multiculturalism.

These statements met enthusiastic applause among Russian neoconservatives as well as the works by S. Buchanan translated and published in Russia.

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In meantime, our position is that notwithstanding the disappoint- ment stemming from the policy of multiculturalism and tolerance, the real political practitioners and the majority of intellectual elite in liberal democratic countries acknowledge the irreversibility of the changes that have taken place under the influence of mass immigra- tion, including immigrants from the countries of the Islamic cultural area.

We should concentrate on improving the governance of complex societies rather than replaying the past and denying democracy. New Understanding of Cultural Diversity The problems that have turned out to be most difficult to resolve are related to understanding and managing cultural diversity at the level of regions, states, local communities and even individuals. This is the case because neither sufficient material nor financial resources have been devoted to them while issues of value and world outlook have been factored in.

In cases of conflict such matters are not easily resolved on the basis of quantitative calculations, bargaining or exchange, but require finer humanitarian technologies. Values are particularly ill-suit- ed to compromise solutions, and as a result conflicts based on cultural ethnic, racial, religious, language differences can become extremely bitter, and the hatred sown by them can survive several generations. The problem being examined is significantly projected into poli- tics at all its levels: In other words, what policy should be adopted in order for society and the country not to be in- volved in inter-group feuds, in order not to be affected by xenophobia and sectarian hatred for reasons of looking different, speaking anoth- er language, or praying to another God?

It seems to be a simple ques- tion, but it includes so many irreconcilable beliefs and convictions, virtually indomitable narrow-mindedness and cynical calculations! The problem of understanding and managing polyethnic societies in the context of modern politics is central to our analysis. It certainly is the case when a crisis of misunderstanding is all too often followed by the premature abandonment of the policy of multiculturalism, while simultaneously there are attempts to discredit tolerance as the most important spiritual and moral value, one of the key components of a mature and effective state policy.

The problem of tolerance and xen- ophobia is not new. However the human beings change considerably and quickly, and scientific approaches and political priorities change with them. Note that, faced with cultural complexity, the traditional view understands the presence of distinct cultural units in society, being components of that society while also being both independent and com- plete, and sharing similar structural features, but which nonetheless dif- fer in content and external characteristics. Whence and for what reason did an obsession with cultural particularism flourish in Russian public and scientific thinking, ignor- ing the existence of cultural similarity?

The similarity and affinity of the people of Russia is expressed not only in the Russian language, used for communication, and world outlook, but also in moral, ethical and behavioural aims, which are quickly learnt by outside observers, but which internal experts do not want to recognize. In the opinion of some experts, there is no common nation in Rus- sia precisely because of ethnic diversity and civilizational differences.

Deniers of pan-Russian identity refer to the fact that there is no civil society or democratic institutions in Russia either and consequently that there is no civil nation1 See analysis of critics How is it possible to dismantle these unfounded views and build a new vision of polyethnic societies and then to renew pol- icy and the management system? First of all it is necessary to distinguish between the ethnic and the national. For a long time, description of ethnic groups in Russian social studies consisted of the establishment of such units in themselves a kind of catalogue of peoples-ethnoses , studying and describing their structural elements, and drawing evolutionary trees and ethnic maps based on language groups and even racial typology.

This approach to studying human society proceeds from the fact that both man and historic phenomena and cultural traditions each have a starting place and periods of evolution. Human cultures go through the phenome- non of cultural genesis in all its diversity depending on the environ- ment, socio-historic factors and collective human strategies.

The start of evolutionary ascendance in relation to ethnic societies is formed by ethnogenesis, which presumes the birth of ethnos in L. One should note that similar views on ethnos formation and eth- nic processes were held in Russian social studies before the pres- ent day theoreticians, though without any biological racism.

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They were looked upon as genuine sociological operations of merger, division, and reformulation from old forms or their separate parts. There is chronological periodisation established for them as well as historical dates for starting points, maturity and completion.

All this leads to cultural racism in science and politics, when people of the same distinctive ethnic features are looked upon as biological or biosocial unities, being in incomplete or even in- compatible states in relation to each other. Moreover, according to this theory there are young ethnoses and old ethnoses, there are passionate ethnoses and even ethnoses-parasites, which eat away at decompose the body of another ethnos from within2. All those are actual categories, i. Let us examine the main spheres of existence of cultural diversity in modern states, including in the Russian Federation as well as what problems arise in modern states and how they are solved with differ- ent degrees of success.

Ethnic and National Communities An integral part of modern human communities and even a condi- tion of their development is the phenomenon of cultural complexity. This complexity is constantly reproduced under the influence of var- ious factors, bringing about problems of inter-cultural communica- tions, inter-ethnic relations, and ethnic conflicts.

On the other hand, cultural homogeneity would mean social entropy, i. It is precisely for this reason that we study different cultures, cultural differences and interactions. Not in order to eliminate cultural diversity, but to conserve it. What then are the weaknesses of traditional approaches in this matter? In the fact that we are inclined to look upon cultural systems as collective bodies or a map-atlas which, irrespective of its filling in and decoration with eth- nographic types, is merely a provisional static reflection of the inimi- table richness of the landscape.

Viewing culture as an archetype rather than as fluid and multiply ethnic identity -as a biosocial organism that negates the movement and development of cultural forms- ignores the impact of the activi- ties of people, political prescriptions and managerial procedures. The mental maps, imagination and observations of travellers travel in reality, while the ethnographic reality itself may stay the same.

In pre-revolutionary Russia all three Eastern Slavic peo- ples were considered Russian, as indeed were all those who converted to Orthodoxy. Henceforth only the first were registered as Russians, and Little Russians became Ukrainians, Russian Byelorussians became just Byelorussians. A cultural flow can be organized in different ways and even turned back if there are enough arguments and resources. Thus, before the period of socialist nation building in Russia, all Turkic people includ- ing Azerbaijanis were called Tatar.

Then Kazan Tatars Kazanly took the name Tatars as their exclusive property, though there were Si- berian Tatars and Crimean Tatars to say nothing of Kryashens, who differed from the other Tatars on account of their Orthodox belief. There were a lot of other ethnic constructions and reconfigurations Sakha instead of Yakut, Sami instead of Lapp, etc.

Over twenty years the number of nationalities in Russia grew from to and during the national census of about ten more were added. The list of minority indigenous peoples with some specific group rights nearly doubled after a federal law has been passed in in support of this category of population. We do not know in which direction the world is moving from the perspective of evolution of cultural forms and systems: This process is of global and, most likely, of irreversible char- acter.

We are speaking about communities, encapsulated within state borders, which are usually called peoples or nations Chinese, Indians, Russians, Brazilians, Cana- dians, etc. It is communities by states co-citizenships and not ethnic groups or religious communities that are the main producers of cultural capital in the modern epoch. It is they who support, preserve and protect eth- no-cultural diversity inside a country and even outside its borders from internal and external challenges, especially as regards kin-diasporas.

Economic bases created by national communities as well as educa- tional and information institutions, security legislation, authorities and public organizations, high-level professional culture and many other things are key factors for the conservation or destruction of ethnic, language, religious and other culturally different systems within nation- al communities. International mechanisms were added to the protective factors during the most recent decades but they are also created by rep- resentatives of nation-states and depend on their monetary contributions.

What are modern nations? There is methodological confusion and po- liticized discussion in social studies on the matter. In Russia, in contrast to in most countries, there was for a long time and still remains the under- standing of nation exclusively in the ethnic sense. The understanding and use of this category in double civil-political and ethno-cultural and not mutually exclusive sense, as suggested fifteen years ago Tishkov , , and has become acknowledged in Russia only during the last few years. And still this acknowledgement often takes a rather forced form, bordering on intellectual schizophrenia and excessive debate.

To take a similar example using a Spanish case. That right has been recognized as the exclusive right of all the Spanish people, including not only Castilians but also Basques, Galicians, Catalans and the other regional communities of the country. Catalan nationalists waited for the court decision for nearly two years and it turned out to be not in their favour. Understanding and governing diversity linguistic variety a big difference from France, where the French lan- guage is completely dominant , but denies the ethnic division of the Spanish nation into other nations in this respect, as in France!

However an important difference between Spain and Russia is that the Catalans do not consider themselves an ethnic community; they con- sider themselves a self-governing region-nation. The whole of Spain celebrated the victory of the national! Thus there are disputes going on in many countries as to whom to call a nation, but the most wide-spread case is the refusal by the state, as represented by the central authorities, to recognize eth- nic or regional communities as nations.

In China, for example, all the officially recognized 55 nationalities, including the Han majority and national minorities nationalities , are not considered nations but all the Chinese — citizens of the country are considered a nation jonhua mind- zu. However, this official formula existing in many countries does not stop the Uighur in China, Bengalis in India, Hawaiians in the US, the Quebecois in Canada, or the Scots in the UK and other ethnic activists and politicians from using nation as a self-categorization.

It is useless to usurp this self-categorization exclusively in favour of the dominant majority or in favour of the general civic community. However let us return to France. Starting with the Jacobin perse- cution of the minorities and regional languages, French as a more or less common though loose identity appeared only one hundred years after the French Revolution. The French nation existed and continues to exist first of all as a doctrine, as a legal standard and as a collective agreement.

It is considered that there are no ethnoses in France and that all the citizens are one people — the French with important his- torical and cultural diversity of territories and places, which generate their own identities. But what are the French as a nation then? This is an historical, cultural and socio-political community within the limits of the state, with a cultural complexity that shrank in the years of political centralization and general civil upheavals, but has since ac- quired new diversity in the epoch of democratization, decolonization and mass migrations.

The situation has become even more complex since then. The religious situation in France has also become more complex: We are not discussing the future of the French nation, but want to highlight the phenomenon of the complication of the ethno-religious composition of the nation, while also drawing attention to the fact that monoculturalism has never been a reality in this country. There was only ever a doctrine of monoculturalism, not acknowledging the so-called ethnies. In reality, regional and local cultural identities on the basis of different specific features from historic and proto-state references to sorts of wine and cheese served as points of references for group identities instead of trivial ethnic groupings.

Perhaps only the language remains from the French monoculture, but the French language sometimes seems the last bastion before the attack of im- migrants speaking other languages. This French bastion is protected by a special constitutional law of on protection of the linguistic heritage and a number of other state decrees. And still it seems that France takes the problems of hijabs and pogroms in the Paris outskirts more calmly than the Russian interpreters of the events in the country. It is difficult to use the USA as an example for a Russian audience as there are nearly always reproaches following alleged promotion of American recipes by liberal Westerners, which prove unsuitable for the uniqueness of Russia.

However we should note that the image of the USA as an integrated nation is primarily a rhetorical and political device. Understanding and governing diversity harmony. There have always been numerous ethnic and racial groups and there have always been many languages, to say nothing about past and continuing discrimination of the Native Americans, Afro-Americans and immigrants.

But what of the growing complexity of the American nation then questioned today by the opponents of multiculturalism? It has been the basis and condition for the existence of the American nation for a long time. The cultural complexity of the Americans does not decrease but instead increases with ongoing immigration. Mass migration takes place against the back- ground of growing American nationalism in an expansionist to be more exact — messianic form and the strengthening of religious fundamental- ism among Christian Americans see: The growing com- plexity of the American nation is revealed in the continuing devotion to immigration and the increase of the share of population of foreign ori- gin.

But there are no talks now about any referent dominant component of the nation. All that is sup- plemented by another process of complication, namely the recognition of multiple racial belonging in addition to recognition of multiple ethnic identity starting with the national census of Let us now examine a European example, which is closer to the Russian experience: According Census, there are There are no reliable statistics concerning ethnic Russians and former Soviet people, though the number of Russians and Rus- sian speaking people grows quicker than other categories according to some data, there are over thousand Russian students at British universities and colleges.

Where is ethnos here and where is nation? And what is this nation called? This nation is called the British people, and the change from Eng- lishness to Britishness took place as the result of public debates and activities of historians See: Colley and the specially appointed Royal Commission on the British identity in the s. This change of designation of national identity was in no way disturbed by the latest riots in British cities.

The modern complexity of Great Britain as a nation is revealed in several ways; the great ethnic and religious diversity of the mod- ern urban population and the growth of so-called regional languages is a remarkable phenomenon: This is present day UK with allegedly mono- lingual English nation! Language Diversity and Linguistic Policy The traditional view on the situation with languages comes down to the fact that new languages do not appear in the modern world and the disappearance of languages as a result of globalization proceeds apace.

Some experts say that by the end of the 21st century there will be only languages left in the world instead of 4,,, the figure during the 20th century. The most well-known international document in the sphere is the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages approved by the cabinet of ministers of the EC as a convention in The Rus- sian Federation joined the Charter in but has not ratified it yet. To a certain extent, it is an illusion that the world is becoming more monolingual because of globalization.

It is true, that top lan- guages such as English increasingly conquer the world language space, and to an extent these worries are justified. However the world language situation is rather more complicated, a complexity that lies in the following processes. Understanding and governing diversity guage atlases as it was done in the 19th century or how it could still be done for ethnicity and religion in the 20th century. The second is the complexity of the language repertoire of modern humans and the spread of multilingualism among the population of many countries. Finally, there is a tendency for the revitalization of languages, i.

Not a single language disappeared in Russia in the 20th century, except the Sireniki dialect of the Eskimo language because of the liquidation of the Sireniki settlement in Chukotka in the s. Notwithstanding the dramatic forecasts of some scientists and politicians, linguistic diversity will survive when language situations within modern nations compli- cate and when the language repertoire of individuals widens.

State language policy in its turn will develop towards the recognition and support of multilingualism, including official ones at both state and regional levels, and spheres of language servicing will become more complex too. Bureaucracy and services will increasingly speak the language of taxpayers and not vice versa. Several questions for science and politics follow from these assess- ments.

We welcome the approach of the European Language Charter, as it aims to protect the languages themselves rather than groups of speak- ers. The Charter does not use the concept of the native language and does not strictly bind the language to ethnic identity. For example, in theory, if you are a Buryat, your native language should obligatori- ly be Buryat, and similarly, if you are a Tatar, your native language should be Tatar, with no other languages in their stead or alongside to be regarded as native languages.

In reality, the state of affairs is rather different: This state of affairs is widespread in European countries, and is not an exception in Russia either as a result of widespread mixed marriages, settlements pattern and the high level of education. The second question — to what extent are the modern state and its people responsible for preserving the linguistic map of their country and the language of learning, culture and information?

There is no doubt that native speakers themselves preserve and protect their language systems of communication, but there are some new tendencies in the matter. Pub- lic activists, linguists and ethnographers, some international institutions with the prescribed mission of conservation of intangible cultural diver- sity are concerned for people to continue speaking in the way as they did a hundred or two hundred years ago, and for this diversity to survive in a similar way to the diversity of species in wildlife.

There are also those who pursue the policy of linguistic nationalism, thinking that a sovereign state has the right to demand from all its citizens the obligatory study of and command of the state or official language, with no compromise in relation to official bilingualism or multilingualism. This leads to indirect violence and open discrimination; moreover in a number of states of the former USSR this language discrimination has a mass character.

Thirdly, there is the problem of linguistic romanticism and national- ism, when the matter of language becomes an instrument of limitation of human rights and even civil rights, a mechanism of political pressure and manipulation, an element of geopolitical rivalry, including the ex- ertion of pressure on states and societies. The real language situation and personal strategies become to an extent hostages of romantic and politicized views on what language is and what policy should be pur- sued.

For the last two decades, policy-makers of some post-soviet states as well as international organizations, including UNESCO and OSCE, carry a certain degree of responsibility for ignoring the linguistic rights of millions of Russian-speakers as well as for making politically moti- vated recommendations to national governments. At present there are private funds operating in European countries Great Britain, Germany with programs for languages under the threat of extinction.

However, to what extent does this concern and even po- litical mission respond to the peculiarities of each country, its regions and, most importantly, the interests and strategies of its people? Understanding and governing diversity guage shift or assimilation should be acknowledged as well, and not only for the conservation of the language spoken by a part of the repre- sentatives of this or that group of people ethnic, religious or of migrant origin.

In this situation the languages of world cultural systems top world languages , which include Russian as well as English, Spanish and French, will always be in a privileged position even in a case of formal equality of all the languages. The explanation is simple: For example, a switch of an emigrant from Russia of Chuvash or Chechen origin to English or German in the country of emigration USA, Great Britain, Germany or Austria is considered a required norm of integration, and a similar pro- cess of switching to the Russian language in Russia by representatives of non-Russian nationalities may be treated by language nationalists and external monitors as a policy of forceful assimilation.

The matter of conservation of language diversity is especially important, including its political projections, for Europe, including the Baltic states and states of Eastern Europe as well as for Russia and other CIS states. A considerable part of the population of West- ern Europe already has command of two or more languages, but the question of language policy in the EU is far from being resolved, as is evidenced by the prolonged process of ratification of the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages.

After sign- ing the Charter in May, , Russia examined the possibility of join- ing this document by ratification. Russia is not the only state, which postponed ratification. For example, France and Ireland both signed the Charter in , but have not ratified it yet. If there is no proper un- derstanding of the situation, no effective mechanisms of management will be found, i. Endnotes 1 See analysis of critics of the Russian civic nation project: Gumilev and by its followers. References Benhabib — S. The Claims of Culture. Equality and Di- versity in the Global Era.

Moscow, Logos Publishing House, Colley — Colley L. Forging the Nation — Understanding and governing diversity sity Press. Diene — D. Filippova — E. Territories of Identity in Modern France Moscow, In Russian Gorshkov, Tikhonova — M. Lieven — See, Lieven A. America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism. On Chechnya see — On Chechnya see: Life in a war-torn society. University of California press. Pain — E. Between Empire and Nation.

Similar authors to follow

Moscow, Liberal Mis- sion Fund, , p. Ryazantsev — S. See analysis of critics — See analysis of critics of the Russian civic nation project: Shnirelman — See V. The Threshold of Tolerance: Ideology and Practice of New Racism. Moscow, New Lit- erary Review, Tishkov , — Valery Tishkov.

Tishkov , Vitkovskaya — V. Moscow, Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, ; G. Tishkov — V. Tishkov eds Moscow, Both countries are situated in outly- ing areas of Europe, bordering the world of other cultures: Russia with Asia and Spain with North Africa, and thus both, in a general sense, bordering on the Orient, and more specifically with the culture of Islam. Both countries were to defend themselves and gain a foothold both in interaction and fighting with this world over many centuries. In the case of Spain and Russia such circumstances imposed the strongest imprint on the historical evolution of each country and its population, on their character, on their relationship with their European neighbours and on perception of them by these neighbours suffice to recall the famous saying of Dumas: At the same time, both Spain and Russia are characterized by their imperial past, followed by the subse- quent loss of such influential positions in the world, severe reductions in their territory, and the loss of formerly peripheral lands which have in turn become independent states.

All these and many others traits of real or imagined similarity between our two countries, perceived mainly by educated Rus- sians, gave birth to a quite natural desire to use what they regarded as the successful Spanish experience in solving important social and political issues under conditions that seemed to be analogous.

Parallels between the Spanish and Russian This was the case, for example, in the late s, when some of our analysts directly pointed towards Spain as an exemplary mod- el for our domestic perestroika. Authoritative Spanish lecturers explained to a large Soviet audience how Spain, in the course of an all-embracing political transformation, managed to avoid the break-up of the state, internal armed conflicts, a sharp decline in living standards and many other potential disasters, while ensuring the future develop- ment of the country on a largely new footing.

Later on this theme —the value of the Spanish experience — continued to be heard in post-Sovi- et Russia, only gradually fading into the background.

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It became clear, however, that while the Spanish experience was discussed it was rare- ly implemented; its road-map, though seemingly reliable, was hardly used. It is obvious that the actions and behaviour of the authorities in Russia, and indeed of Russian society as a whole, are determined ul- timately by their own historical traditions and specific circumstances; alternatives prove unworkable no matter how desirable they might be. Moreover, a more careful analysis reveals that if we, Russians and Spaniards, understand each other, it is not always perfectly, but within certain constraints -conditioned by our own exceptional experiences, our own realities, our long-standing belief systems- and, moreover, that this occurs almost independently of our consciousness.

It is known that foreign words, coming into Russian and embraced by it, occasionally lose their original stress and find a new, domestic pronunciation. Similarly, Basque proper names entering Russian speech often adopt a different stress: The cultural and linguistic variety of the Spanish population is conceived of and described in Spain in radically different terms to how we imagine it ourselves. In Spain, by contrast, particularly topical are the attempts of a number of autonomous communities to set themselves up as distinct nations in opposition to the original concept of a single Spanish civil nation.

Does all this mean that the comparison of two such distinctive pat- terns of cultural and linguistic diversity, co-existence and understand- ing i. Practice has shown that the direct borrowing of a model taken from the another country without considering native traditions is ei- ther impossible to do at all or leads to unexpected results. On the other hand, a scrupulous study of the day-to-day realities of another coun- try, stimulated by the desire to improve the situation at home, offers a lot by way of improved understanding of the domestic situation.

In this respect, the mere awareness of Russians that our current i. The power that firmly es- tablished collective stereotypes wield over society is well known. Their society was traditionally subdivided into four totemic clans, affiliation to one of which was obligatory for each indigene and did not change from birth to death. This clan division was of such great value to them, and so penetrated and dominated their interior lives, that none of them could comprehend that other societies could be based on any principles other than that of the four totemic clans.

For this reason they necessarily and persistently enquired of each stranger, including Europeans happening to pass through the Trobri- and Islands, to which of above-mentioned clans they belonged. Parallels between the Spanish and Russian negative answers they received Malinowski In the same way, from the Soviet perspective, everyone on Earth had a well-defined ethnic affiliation or ethnicity, as an objective char- acteristic inherited from their parents and not liable to change, re- gardless of where they reside or move. In Soviet society this ethnic affiliation was recorded in official documents certifying and char- acterizing the individual.

Meanwhile, we can also talk about the restitution of norms of a not so distant era of Russian history when the situation was entirely different to that of the Soviet period.

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However closer ac- quaintance with the peculiarities of their identity, their ideas well-de- scribed in classic Russian literature , and with specific reference to the Don Cossack community in czarist times, reveals that they firmly distinguished themselves not only from Ukrainians, Caucasians and other ethnic communities, but also from the Russians of neighbour- ing regions: Their self-consciousness in the intrastate context was based on a local regional and class cri- terion rather than on an ethnic one.

Slogans in favour of autonomy and even independence for the Don region had a great impact on the area. Another example is from the late nineteenth-century memoirs of Countess Maria Kleinmichel: But it seems to me that the above-men- tioned model in its essential features is very similar to the Spanish one: If this model had survived, if it had not been trans- formed during the s, in accordance with new ideological and political postulates, we would in all likelihood now have solid grounds for analytical comparison and perhaps even for the direct application of some of the successful solutions to specific problems.

We could, for example, within a single framework of concepts and terms, discuss the limits of regional competences and responsibilities, or the possibility of the abandonment of the concept of a unified civil nation. It is interesting to see how world views based on the pre-revolu- tionary model and deeply rooted in the consciousness of Russians continued through inertia to manifest themselves much later, oc- casionally in extremely serious circumstances.

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The famous Soviet scientist and academician Raushenbach, who was a Russian ethnic German by origin, described in his memoirs the deportation of eth- nic Germans Soviet citizens from the Volga region, where they had enjoyed territorial autonomy, in , during the early part of the war. The deportation was carried out on strictly formal grounds, i.

Parallels between the Spanish and Russian and certifying that they had been baptized into the Orthodox Church, in other words converting to Orthodoxy from Catholicism or Protes- tantism. Nowadays, in post-Soviet Russia, one can clearly feel a tendency to reduce, at least at the official level, the weight of the political com- ponent in the ethnic factor, in simultaneous existence with a powerful inertia that acts as a brake upon this tendency: Though this is no longer a legal or political responsibility, as it often was in the past, the idea persists of the moral responsibility of all the representatives of an ethnic community where membership implies a common origin for the words and acts of its individual members.

To take a typical example, one of many such cases, Nobel laureate A. Solzhenitsyn, in one of his last books, published in early s Solzhenitsyn , insists that each people, each nation in both cas- es clearly he refers not to the state, but to ethnic communities must bear the moral responsibility in the form of collective repentance for those people from within their community who caused harm to the rest of humanity.

In other words, in the case of the Russian revolution of , which the author and like-minded persons explicitly interpret- ed as a national disaster, it is necessary — in accordance with such an approach — to determine the ethnicity of each of the prominent revolu- tionaries to appreciate clearly the proportion of liability of each of the ethnic groups inhabiting the country. Georgians will repent for Stalin and other ethnic Georgians among the revolutionaries, Jews will repent for Trotsky and other Jews, Russians will repent for Lenin and other Russians, and the same applies to Latvians, Ukrainians, Poles and so on.

It is an important question, and not just for research- ers, though it is clearly of great interest to them as once again History carries out an experiment within our country. Unfortunately, final conclusions about which of the two trends will prevail are, in all probability, still a long way away. Malinowski — Malinowski B. Collected works in 8 volumes. Two hundred years together.

The Span- ish Constitution simply created a competitive path to give access to the recognition and development of ethno-cultural rights. The starting point for the interpretation of plurality Before we turn to the analysis of plurality in Spain and its man- agement, it is necessary to understand the paradigm of ethno-cultural diversity in the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Spain, given that, as a result of extremely unequal historical, geographical and polit- ical evolution, the approach to this diversity in both cases is based on very different principles that affect the management of recognition and political accommodation of ethno-cultural diversity, two issues of the liberal-democratic agenda that have never been satisfactorily resolved Requejo Both Russia and Spain are the heirs of empires.

However, while the Russian Empire was at its peak, the Kingdom of Spain was falling into decline. Russia, however, had expanded into geographically connected territories, thus making identification of any clear territorial borders delimitating the Russian nation difficult. What Russia is today may not be so tomorrow, and what is not there today, may come tomorrow. This motivated signif- icant dispersion of the Russian population, forming different degrees of representation in each territory subject to status changes.

This multiform reality, along with the survival of the Russian Em- pire up until the 20th century and its subsequent transformation into the Soviet Union provided for a German style romantic perception of nation and nationality, i. In this regard, Michael Walzer Walzer This is what allows for a tolerant interpretation of the primordial perspective of nationality applied in empires like the Otto- man, Austro-Hungarian or Russian ones.

Empires used to distinguish between nationality and citizenship, whereas nation states equate na- tionality with citizenship. In the latter case, if the criterion were pri- mordial, the state would be excluding ethno-cultural minorities. If, however, the state has liberal foundations, it would embrace all cit- izens, while denying the existence of all nations other than the one supported by the state, i.

It is important to highlight this difference of approach in order to define a framework for interpreting the ethno-cultural diversity of Russia and Spain. In the first case, there is a distinction made between nationality and citizenship, without incurring selective application of the citizenship rights of its inhabitants a different question is, to what extent the ethnic groups and nations of Russia have been respected during different moments of its history. Therefore, the Preamble and Article 3 of the Russian Constitution defines Russia as a multina- tional reality.

Spain, on the other hand, had already started building a nation-state based on liberal criteria in the 19th century, associat- ing citizenship and nationality and rejecting the existence of different nations within the State. This historical evolution has been registered in the Spanish Constitution SC of , where the nature of the nation-state of the Kingdom of Spain is specified in Article 1.

It basically means that the distinction between romantic ethnic and liberal civic nationalism, no matter how useful, is still quite vague. As Miquel Caminal Caminal A telling example is provided by the SC of , where rights and obligations of the citizens are restricted by ethnic elements such as lan- guage.

The problem arises when a state has one single national title, despite governing a multinational territory. Therefore, the problem does not end there if the newly independent territory, too, is multinational. The conflict in multinational territories is usually directly related to the territorial heterogeneity within a state or a federation. It is of course possible for a state to have its coexisting nations homogene- ously distributed throughout the territory, yet it is not very common.

Usually, the state is the institutional tool in hands of one ethnic group of the dominant nation that outnumbers the rest and has, therefore, the capacity to achieve its own goals while dissolving those of the minority groups that are at numerical disadvantage Walzer These ideas have been similarly expressed by Ulises Moulines: In short, we are dealing with hegemonic nation-states i. There is a nation in them that dictates to the other or others how things should be, in political, legal, linguistic, religious, economic, international relation contexts, etc.

In any case, demography admits more than one interpretation. And this is exactly the problem in Spain, especially in Catalonia and the Basque Country, where Basque and Catalan nationalism receives more sup- port than Spanish nationalism. To ignore this reality would be virtual- ly impossible in a democratic system, therefore the SC in its Article 2 acknowledges the right of the nations and regions to autonomy: The Spanish state model Spain is a unitary and uni-national state, but it acknowledges the autonomy of regions and nationalities, thus contradicting its own na- tional character.

The wording of Article 2 and its spirit in the Con- stitution are conflicting, but it was introduced as a concession to the pressure of peripheral nationalism, yet without undermining its nature as a unitary nation-state. It is for this reason that Spanish nationalism has kept its rather aggressive attitude towards peripheral nationalists from the standpoint of political hegemony.

However, the SC is ambiguous enough among others: Therefore, the constitutional agreement could be char- acterized as a way of ensuring subsequent competition between dif- ferent perspectives. Beramendi ; Caminal The first argue that Spain is a federalist, quasi-federal or federal state positioned near or completely identified with national federalism. Nevertheless, others try to present it in more flexible and diversity-friendly ways. Now, the multinational nature refers to the context of a federal veneer rather than the definition of a state. This is how Francisco Letamendia explains where the state of autonomies has its origins: The influence of the Unitary State is however strongly felt in the State of Autonomies: Like- wise, the centre, which holds the exclusive sovereignty of the State, is the power source of the parties, the latter therefore not being sovereign.

Both sides suggest that the participation of the autonomies in the central govern- ment be enhanced.

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Currently, the autonomies take virtually no part in the legislature4 and the judiciary5. Besides, there is a lack of authorities for multilateral coordination between institutions and autonomies, in a context dominated by competitive bilateral relations. This makes Co- lomer Colomer To sum up, of the two problems of liberal-democratic agenda re- lated to ethno-cultural diversity, the progress of the Spanish State is rather modest in terms of recognition, yet advanced and remarkable if viewed from the angle of political accommodation.

In Russia, on the contrary, the recognition issue is well underway and, consequently, the focus is on how to address political accommodation. Ethno-cultural plurality in 19 autonomies: The powers among all of them have been gradually equalized, and today, the ACs are territorial units operating within the same political frame- work and share a number of characteristics that can be controlled.

From the regulatory point of view, this is covered by the Spanish Constitution which establishes the basic institutional structure of the CAs acceding to autonomy status via Article This Article and the subsequent decisions of the State Council, as well as laws passed by the Spanish Parliament, explicitly enshrine the principle of homogeneity of govern- ance and the institutional structure of the State and its analogues in the ACs Albertos Carazo For example, they all have education and health, as well as most of social services related to the welfare state, within their realm of responsibilities.

On the other hand, the nineteen territories have an endless list of differences ranging from geographi- cal to linguistic, and including institutional, demographic, social, cul- tural, economic, etc. If we focus on the ethnic-national features, two criteria have been used for the example below: Table 1 Degree of pluralism and linguistic homogeneity in 19 Autonomies Plural Non-plural society Semiplural society 0,5 society 1,5 2,5 Murcia, Castile- Linguistically homoge- La Mancha, Andalusia Canary Is- neous 0,5 Madrid, La Rioja 2,0 lands 3,0 1,0 Linguistic heterogeneity in part of the territo- Castile and ry: A first straightforward classification is the one that differentiates the ACs originally referred to as historic nationalities — Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country —, from the rest.

These three were the only ones that were able to approve their statutes during the Second Republic and, with the arrival of democracy, were also the first ones to initiate their reinforced autonomic processes in accordance with Article of the SC. Afterwards, the ACs that gained autonomy by the slow track defined in Article of the SC, have been gradually matching their areas of competence. Fifteen years later, Aragon and Canary Islands did the same thing and, more recent- ly, the Valencian Community and the Balearic Islands have recorded their status in their statutes of autonomy.

However, there are a number of other important elements that help distinguish the degree of plurality of the ACs. Table 1 shows a simple classification that distinguishes between the indigenous linguistic di- versity of the autonomies, on the one hand, and the degree of plurality associated with the sense of identity, on the other. The first criterion classifies the autonomies into four categories. The first category defines linguistically homogeneous ACs graded with 0. The second category graded with 1. Among other problems that Asturian-Leonese is facing, we can men- tion its low degree of linguistic recognition, lack of official status and poor regulation of its use and promotion8.

Despite some relative success in recent years, the extremely harsh reversals experienced in the 20th century have left this language in a situation of undeniable vulnerability and at risk of extinction, ac- cording to UNESCO UNESCO For example, it has never had a large number of speakers due to its restricted geographic territory, which, in addition, belongs to an area that has historically suffered from economic under- development leading to large-scale emigration. Another weakened language is Aragonese or fabla aragonesa , spoken by roughly 10, people in several Pyrenean areas of northern Aragon.

However, in recent times some significant steps have been tak- en towards its regulation and consolidation of legal status. Under this act, Spanish is the sole official language, but Aragonese and Catalonian spo- ken on the eastern border with Catalonia are admitted as autochthonous languages, whereby learning, schooling and language use in public ad- ministration are regulated in four areas: The third category includes linguistically heterogeneous autono- mies graded as 1. From the point of view of legal recognition, the most critical situation is observed in Ceuta and Melilla.

In Melilla, the situation is similar, but in this case the native language is Tamazight, the dominant version of Berber. In Asturias, Asturian-Leonese in its Asturian form is undoubtedly the healthiest of the non-coofficial languages, in terms of the number of speakers, territorial extension, presence in urban areas and organi- zational capacity to claim officiality. This regulation acknowledges Asturian as a language to be protected, promoted and spread in the media and in education. In this sense, a step forward was made by the Asturian Social Normalization Plan for encouraging the use and promotion of the Asturian and Galician-As- turian a form of Galician spoken in the western part of the autonomy languages.

The last case of the third category is Navarre. Here, the retreat of Euskera the Basque language during recent centuries and especially the 20th century was particularly severe, affecting mostly the central and southern areas of the region. However, the northern part of the Community remains one of the areas with most Basque-speakers in Spain. This multiform reality was regulated under the Law on Basque, passed in , which organized the territory into three areas.

The first is referred to as the Basque-speaking area, in the northern part of the Community, where Basque is the co-official language. The second zone, the one with the largest number of Basque speakers, is referred to as mixed the central part which includes Pamplona, the capital and therefore Basque is not co-official there, although it is subject to certain preservation and promotion regulations, which grant it the right to be a vehicular language in education and to be used in dealings with the public administration, although a response in Basque is not guaranteed.

The regulations based on the Law on Basque, especially those published after , have been widely criticized by the advocates of the Basque language. Likewise, a report by the expert committee of the European Council on the implementation of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in Navarre, investigat- ed the situation of the Basque language in the Basque-speaking area where it is co-official and concluded that many of the commitments made by the Spanish government by signing the Charter are not com- plied with in Navarre.

The Catalan language is the strongest of all those mentioned and one of the most widely spoken in Europe. However, its recovery and promotion is not exempt from controversy, especially in Valencia where there are repeated attempts without any sound philological arguments to separate and differentiate the Valencian dialect from Catalan, often by Castilianising it.

The frequencies were classified into five categories: Of these categories, the last two show predominance of auto- nomic identity, therefore I have summed up these answers in each AC to obtain the degree of the prevailing regional sentiment. Table 2 shows the percentage of prevailing identity sentiment in each autonomous community in descending order. The average mean for all of them is The range is wide: In the case of Ceuta and Mellila, their classification as semi-plural societies stands due to a variable only applied as a distinctive feature in these two autonomous cities, namely, the religious denomination.

To summarize, the analysis of the linguistic plurality of the ACs and the variety of their identity sentiments lets us conclude that the least plural ACs are Murcia, Madrid, La Rioja and Castile-La Mancha, while the most plural ones, in descending order, are the Basque Coun- try, Catalonia, Navarre, the Balearic Islands, Galicia and Valencia. Competitive management of ethno-cultural plurality From the very beginning, Spain has been handling the mechanism for access to autonomy as a kind of competition between choices.

The activation of self-determinative rather than pre-determinative mechanism makes access to co-officiality particularly difficult for lan- guages a with a reduced number of speakers, b limited to a part of a region, or c languages which have not been used as a foundation for nationalist claims.

All these non-official languages are under threat of future extinction, the only way out being the politicization of the lan- guage, which under the current legal and institutional structure of Spain seems to be the only viable path to follow. The root of the problem lies in the Spanish State refusing to polit- ically admit its multinational nature, which results in dissociation be- tween the social and political realities not only at state level central government , but also on sub-levels as described by Justo Beramendi: However, given that this is not the case, the only undeniable fact is the existence of the Catalan, Basque and Spanish nations, which is some- thing completely different.

Just as Caminal Caminal Instead, territories are given autonomy based on cultural criteria, even if these territories are characterized by cultural plurality. This in turn hinders the development of national autonomy policies within a territory, given that just as state power is associated with one nation, territorial autonomy, in terms of culture, is meant for the Basque, Catalan or Galician people only.

However, in the Spanish case, there is no such separation, there- fore autonomy is purely territorial and can be managed following the preferences of the majority. As a result, the prevailing practice is that of assimilation of national groups rather than their autonomy. The winner imposes his judgment of what cultural autonomy is, the lin- guistic issue being a good example thereof.

For instance, if the autochthonous language is weak and the re- gion is not linked to any political nationalist movements, the lan- guage does not receive official status because its officiality would supposedly affect all the inhabitants of the territory in some aspect of their life. This is exactly the case with the variations of Asturi- an-Leonese or Aragonese. The same mechanics explain the different degree of recognition of one and the other. The situation is more favourable in Asturias than in Aragon, simply because Asturian has far greater quantitative and qualitative weight than Aragonese.

That, expressed in votes, is what determines the degree of legal protection of one language or another. However, if the autochthonous language plays an important role in a peripheral nationalism, it is perfectly possible that even despite being clearly a minority language in the territory, it obtains the co-of- ficial status. This happens if the peripheral nationalism with volunta- rist basis defending the language represents the majority and there- fore captures support that transcends the linguistic community and consequently achieves power.

The latter describes the case of Eus- kera in the Basque Country. If we take education as an exam- ple, we can observe that in Catalonia, the language immersion method applied stipulates that only Catalan be used as the teaching language. This does not occur even in the Baltic States, where survival of Russian public schools has been ensured, though a high percentage of subjects are taught in the official languages.

At kindergarten level, language immersion fosters the use of Aranese; from primary school on, it gradually loses its weight in favour of Catalan and Spanish; in secondary school, Aranese is a subject itself, while the rest of the sub- jects are taught in Catalan, Spanish and French.

Regarding Galicia and the Balearic Islands, the introduction of the autochthonous language as the teaching language in education has been slow and did not gain a foothold until the second half of the s. In Galicia, there is now a trilingual method, using Spanish, Galician and English. Prior to this, the established system, similar to that of the Balearic Islands, stipulated the minimum percentage of classroom hours to be taught in the minority language. Alternatively, other autonomous communities such as the Basque Country or Valencia provide more than one linguistic system for education, i.

This method is also used in one part of Navarre, where one can choose between Basque and Spanish as the teaching language. The other part of the territory authorizes Spanish only. As for the non-offi- cial languages, they can only be chosen as an optional subject. The problem lies in the following discrepancy. Spanish law stip- ulates that upon graduation, students are supposed to be fluent in both co-official languages, in order to be able to communicate both verbally and in writing.