In international relations, we find many different actors with distinctive interests and certain individual Which grand theory best describes the world today?
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Seminar paper from the year in the subject Politics - Political Systems - General and Comparisons, University of North Florida, 2 entries in the bibliography, language: In international relations, we find many different actors with distinctive interests and certain individual instruments to realize goals.
Within the following paper, our question cannot necessarily be how important nation-states are in comparison with international organizations such as the United Nations, for example. Instead, we have to find the best match in regard to outlining and observing today's political world. In the following, I will show that realism best describes our world today because of four striking reasons. The line between domestic and foreign policy becomes blurred in this case, as realistically there is no clear agenda in interstate relations. Finally, the use of military force is not exercised when complex interdependence prevails.
The idea is developed that between countries in which a complex interdependence exists, the role of the military in resolving disputes is negated. However, Keohane and Nye go on to state that the role of the military is in fact important in that "alliance's political and military relations with a rival bloc.
International relations theory - Wikipedia
One version of post-liberal theory argues that within the modern, globalized world, states in fact are driven to cooperate in order to ensure security and sovereign interests. The departure from classical liberal theory is most notably felt in the re-interpretation of the concepts of sovereignty and autonomy. Autonomy becomes a problematic concept in shifting away from a notion of freedom, self-determination, and agency to a heavily responsible and duty laden concept.
Importantly, autonomy is linked to a capacity for good governance. Similarly, sovereignty also experiences a shift from a right to a duty. In the global economy, International organizations hold sovereign states to account, leading to a situation where sovereignty is co-produced among "sovereign" states. The concept becomes a variable capacity of good governance and can no longer be accepted as an absolute right. One possible way to interpret this theory, is the idea that in order to maintain global stability and security and solve the problem of the anarchic world system in International Relations, no overarching, global, sovereign authority is created.
Instead, states collectively abandon some rights for full autonomy and sovereignty. Without understanding their contribution to political order and its progressive possibilities, particularly in the area of peace in local and international frameworks, the weaknesses of the state, the failings of the liberal peace, and challenges to global governance cannot be realised or properly understood. Furthermore, the impact of social forces on political and economic power, structures, and institutions, provides some empirical evidence of the complex shifts currently underway in IR.
Constructivism or social constructivism  has been described as a challenge to the dominance of neo-liberal and neo-realist international relations theories. Constructivist theory criticises the static assumptions of traditional international relations theory and emphasizes that international relations is a social construction. Constructivism is a theory critical of the ontological basis of rationalist theories of international relations. By "ideas" constructivists refer to the goals, threats, fears, identities, and other elements of perceived reality that influence states and non-state actors within the international system.
Constructivists believe that these ideational factors can often have far-reaching effects, and that they can trump materialistic power concerns.
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For example, constructivists note that an increase in the size of the U. Therefore, there must be perceptions at work in shaping international outcomes. As such, constructivists do not see anarchy as the invariable foundation of the international system,  but rather argue, in the words of Alexander Wendt , that "anarchy is what states make of it". Marxist approaches argue the position of historical materialism and make the assumption that the economic concerns transcend others; allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study.
Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. Gramscian approaches rely on the ideas of Italian Antonio Gramsci whose writings concerned the hegemony that capitalism holds as an ideology. Marxist approaches have also inspired Critical Theorists such as Robert W. Cox who argues that "Theory is always for someone and for some purpose".
One notable Marxist approach to international relations theory is Immanuel Wallerstein's World-system theory which can be traced back to the ideas expressed by Lenin in Imperialism: The Highest Stage of capitalism. World-system theory argues that globalized capitalism has created a core of modern industrialized countries which exploit a periphery of exploited "Third World" countries. These ideas were developed by the Latin American Dependency School. Marxist approaches have enjoyed a renaissance since the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. Criticisms of Marxists approaches to international relations theory include the narrow focus on material and economic aspects of life.
Feminist approaches to international relations became popular in the early s. Such approaches emphasize that women's experiences continue to be excluded from the study of international relations. Early feminist IR approaches were part of the " Third Great Debate " between positivists and post-positivists. They argued against what they saw as the positivism and state-centrism of mainstream international relations. Ann Tickner argues that these approaches did not describe what a feminist perspective on world politics would look like. The feminist international relations scholar Jacqui True differentiates between empirical feminism, analytical feminism and normative feminism.
Empirical feminism sees women and gender relations as empirical aspects of international relations. Here gender refers not to the "biological" differences between men and women but the social constructs of masculine and feminine identity. Analytical feminists would see neo-realism's dislike of domestic explanations for explaining interstate behaviour as an example of this bias. Normative feminist sees theorizing as part of an agenda for change. Criticisms of feminist international relations theory include its portrayal of women in developing countries. Feminist International Relations is sometimes oversimplified into a women's issue or simply a need to 'add women and stir'.
The article illustrates that the hyper-masculinity used in international relations has a negative impact on all genders. It privileges only a certain kind of man, forcing all others to fit into the constraints of one vision of masculinity. Hooper also argues that this gendered lens requires a complete overhaul of traditional methods, rather than just adding women to the study.
They attempt to reduce our needs to security, failing to take into account class, education level, gender, or experience. Hooper argues that traditional studies of international relations are causing us to miss many factors for more than just women and children. To appeal to sympathetic sceptics, Hooper explains that international relations shapes masculinity in a way that affects us all. To establish this she explains that masculinity and femininity are social constructs that can be influenced by theories and discourse.
Hooper turns so called feminist international relations into gendered international relations, which brings in all people and highlights the importance of new methods to the field.
International relations theory
Genders just like class, ethnicity, age, etc. The system that Feminist International Relations is trying to subvert affects us all and influences many of our traditional theories. Hooper offers the example of war which has shaped the male body; it has created men as takers of life and women as givers of it. Hooper also illustrates the ways masculinity, like femininity, has been influenced by colonization.
The hierarchy formed by colonization labels Asians as effeminate, Africans as savage and white men as the proper balance at the top the hierarchy. War and colonialism still influence international relations to a large extent. Green theory in international relations is a sub-field of international relations theory which concerns international environmental cooperation. Several alternative approaches have been developed based on foundationalism , anti-foundationalism , positivism , behaviouralism , structuralism and post-structuralism.
These theories however are not widely known. Behaviouralism in international relations theory is an approach to international relations theory which believes in the unity of science, the idea that the social sciences are not fundamentally different from the natural sciences.
The " English School " of international relations theory, also known as International Society, Liberal Realism, Rationalism or the British institutionalists, maintains that there is a 'society of states' at the international level, despite the condition of "anarchy", i. Despite being called the English School many of the academics from this school were neither English nor from the United Kingdom.
A great deal of the work of the English School concerns the examination of traditions of past international theory, casting it, as Martin Wight did in his s-era lectures at the London School of Economics , into three divisions:. In broad terms, the English School itself has supported the rationalist or Grotian tradition, seeking a middle way or via media between the power politics of realism and the "utopianism" of revolutionism.
The English School reject behavioralist approaches to international relations theory. The international relations theories have become a typical learning of the fundamental insight and origin of international relations. Functionalism is a theory of international relations that arose principally from the experience of European integration. Rather than the self-interest that realists see as a motivating factor, functionalists focus on common interests shared by states.
Integration develops its own internal dynamic: This " invisible hand " of integration phenomenon is termed "spillover". Although integration can be resisted, it becomes harder to stop integration's reach as it progresses. This usage, and the usage in functionalism in international relations , is the less common meaning of functionalism.
More commonly, however, functionalism is an argument that explains phenomena as functions of a system rather than an actor or actors. Immanuel Wallerstein employed a functionalist theory when he argued that the Westphalian international political system arose to secure and protect the developing international capitalist system. His theory is called "functionalist" because it says that an event was a function of the preferences of a system and not the preferences of an agent.
Functionalism is different from structural or realist arguments in that while both look to broader, structural causes, realists and structuralists more broadly say that the structure gives incentives to agents, while functionalists attribute causal power to the system itself, bypassing agents entirely. Post-structuralism differs from most other approaches to international politics because it does not see itself as a theory, school or paradigm which produces a single account of the subject matter.
Instead, post-structuralism is an approach, attitude, or ethos that pursues critique in particular way. Post-structuralism sees critique as an inherently positive exercise that establishes the conditions of possibility for pursuing alternatives. It states that "Every understanding of international politics depends upon abstraction, representation and interpretation". Scholars associated with post-structuralism in international relations include Richard K. Walker , and Lene Hansen. Post-modernist approaches to international relations are critical of metanarratives and denounces traditional IR's claims to truth and neutrality.
Postcolonial International relations scholarship posits a critical theory approach to International relations IR , and is a non-mainstream area of international relations scholarship. Post-colonialism focuses on the persistence of colonial forms of power and the continuing existence of racism in world politics. Evolutionary perspectives, such as from evolutionary psychology , have been argued to help explain many features of international relations.
However, a variety of evolved psychological mechanisms, in particular those for dealing with inter group interactions, are argued to influence current international relations. These include evolved mechanisms for social exchange, cheating and detecting cheating, status conflicts, leadership, ingroup and outgroup distinction and biases, coalitions, and violence. Evolutionary concepts such as inclusive fitness may help explain seeming limitations of a concept such as egotism which is of fundamental importance to realist and rational choice international relations theories. In recent years, with significant advances in neuroscience and neuroimaging tools, IR Theory has benefited from further multidisciplinary contributions.
Nayef Al-Rodhan from Oxford University has argued that neuroscience  can significantly advance the IR debate as it brings forward new insights about human nature, which is at the centre of political theory. New tools to scan the human brain, and studies in neurochemistry allow us to grasp what drives divisiveness,  conflict, and human nature in general.
The theory of human nature in Classical Realism, developed long before the advent of neuroscience, stressed that egoism and competition were central to human behaviour, to politics and social relations. Evidence from neuroscience, however, provides a more nuanced understanding of human nature, which Prof. Al-Rodhan describes as emotional amoral egoistic. These three features can be summarized as follows: This neurophilosophy of human nature can also be applied to states  - similarly to the Realist analogy between the character and flaws of man and the state in international politics.
Prof Al-Rodhan argues there are significant examples in history and contemporary politics that demonstrate states behave less rationality than IR dogma would have us believe: Queer international relations scholarship aims to broaden the scope and method of traditional international relations theory to include sexed and gendered approaches that are often excluded in the discipline at large. While affiliated with feminist theory and gender studies , as well as post-structuralism , queer IR theory is not reducible to any other field of international relations scholarship.
Queer international relations theory works to expose the many ways in which sexualities and gender affect international politics. Queer IR theory takes sites of traditional international relations scholarship war and peace, international political economy , and state and nation building as its subjects of study.
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It also expands its scope and methods beyond those traditionally utilized in Realist IR scholarship. Ontologically , queer IR utilizes a different scope from traditional IR, as it aims to non-monolithically address the needs of various queer groups, including trans -, inter-, cross-, and pan- gendered, sexed, and sexualized bodies.
Epistemologically , queer IR explores alternative methodologies to those traditionally used in IR, as it emphasizes the sexual dimension of knowledge within international relations. Criticism for queer theory in general, and queer international relations in particular, addresses worries of the minimization or exclusion of certain groups.
While queer IR incorporates transgender individuals in its expanded scope, some argue its emphasis on sexuality fails to adequately capture transgender experiences. This leads Stryker to advocate that transgender studies follows its own trajectory. Laura Sjoberg advocates for allying trans-theorizing and feminist theorizing in IR. She suggests some possible improvements that trans-theorizing may offer for feminist IR theory, which include a more nuanced understanding of gender hierarchy through a pluralist approach to sex, a holistic view of gender that resists viewing gender entirely either as a social construction or as biologically essential , and an increased awareness of gender as involving power relations among different sexes and genders.
As such, Sjoberg advocates for the inclusion of trans-theorizing in feminist IR theory in the interests of improving explanations and understandings of global politics. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the theoretical discipline.
For international studies, see International relations. Idealism Democratic peace theory Republican liberalism Institutionalism Neoliberalism Interdependence liberalism Sociological liberalism Institutional liberalism. Modern constructivism Post-modern constructivism Feminist constructivism.
Neo-Gramscianism Critical security studies Critical theory World-systems theory.